Recreation in Decline: A Park Commission’s Failure to Provide Parks from the 1950s-1970s in Essex County, NJ 

by Dominic Attalienti

Site Description:

There was a large economic disparity in Essex County, New Jersey in the 1950s and the 1960s, which led to differences in recreation opportunities. As wealthy people were leaving for suburban areas in the county, the predominant city in the county, Newark, NJ, was experiencing rapid decline. During this time, the Essex County Park Commission, founded to provide parks to everyone in the county, made dubious decisions that excerbated issues city residents were feeling. What caused this period of disparate recreation opportunities? Were there decisions the Commission made that made the problem worse? Was there a change in thinking in how recreation is provided that grew this divide? Answering these questions will emphasize the importance of providing equal recreation opportunities in tumultuous times.

Author Biography:

I am Dominic Attalienti, a senior computer science major at the New Jersey Institute of Technology. I initially wanted to write about Branch Brook Park, but I found much more information about the Essex County Park Commission during my research and chose to write about them instead.

Final Report:

I. INTRODUCTION

In 1952, in Newark, NJ, concerned parents watched from their windows as their children played in the street. Around fifty of them crammed into Wakeman Avenue, a narrow street in the north of the city made narrower from the parked cars on either side of the street.[1] In addition to the parked cars, they had to dodge “a heavy flow of traffic,” which often disrupted their games. Not only were the children at risk of injury from cars, but also the neighbors’ windows from errant baseballs. The nearest park the children could play in was Branch Brook Park, but it was several blocks too far for unsupervised children to wander to themselves. Furthermore, the parents felt that “hazards in the park” precluded the option altogether. The best option was a nearby playground in good condition the children could have used, but the city did not fund it and kept it locked.[2]

Lack of park space was always a problem in Newark. Existing park space closed early, if it was open at all.[3] For the parents on Wakeman Avenue, it was also confusing. The city was planning to buy a large stadium on the other side of the city, but they had “inadequate funds” for a part-time advisor to keep the nearby playground open.[4] However, the closest park around Wakeman Avenue, Branch Brook Park, was managed by the Essex County Park Commission, not the city. Unfortunately for the parents, the Commission could not adequately fund Branch Brook Park well during this time.[5]

The locked playground in the Wakeman Avenue neighborhood of Newark in 1952 poses some important questions. Why was Newark building a stadium when they lacked funds to open a playground? What steps were Newark and the Commission taking to help people like the Wakeman Avenue residents? Why were Newark and the Commission struggling financially? Were there choices they made that unequally benefited certain people? From the 1950s-1970s, monetary issues and shifting ideologies in the Essex County Park Commission in Essex County, NJ led to park services becoming increasingly catered to suburbanites, while park services for residents living in Newark, NJ deteriorated, highlighting the need for recreation in city centers.

This paper supports this argument by focusing on the Essex County Park Commission’s ability to provide recreation to people. This paper starts with the origins of the Essex County Park Commission in 1895 and their goal to provide parks as a respite for everyone.[6] It leads the reader through the ensuing decades, when park services were simpler. Zooming out, it describes the economic boom in the 1950s following WWII and contextualizes the consequences within Essex County, NJ. Furthermore, this paper argues that suburban sprawl contributed to increasing inequality between the suburbs and urban areas, and the Commission facilitated this inequality with more automobile infrastructure for suburbanites. Rather than continue to provide simple park maintenance, the Commission partially abandoned their principles by shifting toward expensive recreational facilities, and this shift directly contributed to their monetary issues in the 1960s. This paper concludes that while the Commission was dealing with these self-accentuated monetary issues, they prioritized certain acitivities and left other park services to deteriorate.

II. BACKGROUND OF NEWARK PARKS

Newark, like many other American cities in the late 1800s, lacked park space.[7] Following the American Civil War, Newark was focused on developing industry as quickly as possible. Consequently, little thought was given to parkland in the city.[8] In 1885, Newark contained only 18.36 acres of parks spread across eleven small parks.[9] After a long day of work in large factories, Newark residents were forced to navigate through odorous streets lined with garbage to reach their decrepit tenements. Consequently, they dealt with the highest disease rates of any city in the United States, with typhoid, malaria, and tuberculosis proliferating through the streets. The overall situation earned Newark the reputation as the unhealthiest city in America in 1890.[10]

People have attempted to reserve space for parkland in the past. One notable effort occurred in 1867 when state legislators, inspired by developments in Central Park, NY, motioned to purchase a large tract of land in northern Newark. However, they failed because wealthy citizens feared the developed land would cause higher taxes.[11] Newark’s blight in the early 1890s finally engendered enough support for more park space. Not only was Newark’s reputation hurting the aristocrats’ bottom line, but also working class Newarkers started to infiltrate the city’s leadership.[12] In 1895, the Essex County Park Commission was formed, becoming the first county park system in the country.[13] The first piece of land they acquired was the same land planned in 1867, but a third of the acreage and over double the price. Despite the high price of $2.5 million dollars, Essex County residents enthusiastically funded the Commission to develop this land, which was later named Branch Brook Park.[14]

The Park Commission was founded on some basic principles. The first was they should acquire land whenever possible to provide services for the most people. Land was already hard to come by, so holding onto what they had was essential for creating beautiful parks. The second was their budget should be “spent shrewdly” and without bias. They could not maintain their parks if they spent money on frivolous things. The third was the people’s wishes should be respected and materialized before their wishes became demands. Finally, and most importantly, was that parks were for the people.[15]

The Commission quickly acquired and renovated more land, ranging from small tracts of land to big reservations.[16] On the east and west sides of Newark, the Commission bought small patches of land fraught with garbage and weeds. After some maintenance, these parks became respites within walking distance for many Newark residents, with many having picnics at these parks.[17] On the south side of Newark, a large section of “mosquito-infested” swampland, initially denominated as a reservation, was improved with a lake and gardens.[18] This area, eventually named Weequahic Park, became another place for recreation close to Newark. At the same time land was acquired near Newark, the Commission was expanding in other sections of Essex County. They bought Eagle Rock Reservation and South Mountain Reservation, which were vast expanses adored for their natural beauty.[19] By 1913, the Commission spent $5,893,483.44 purchasing and improving land for the people in Essex County, and the people loved their new parks.[20]

Essex County youth enjoyed the Commission’s improvements to its parks in the ensuing decades. In Independence park, a park on the east side of Newark, many children played on the playground “all day long and far into the night.”[21]  On the west side of Newark in West Side Park, children flocked to the wading pool and splashed around with their friends. Branch Brook Park was also popular, attracting kids to its sand pits, see-saws, and ladders.[22] At Irvington park, in a town west of Newark, children played baseball near their new, pristine playground.[23] Similar stories of children enjoying county park playgrounds were seen in other county parks, such as Watessing Park, Riverbank Park, and Weequahic park.[24] While their children played on the playgrounds, mothers would congregate in the shade and sew, appreciating the open space their confined tenements could not offer.[25] After deacdes of haphazard urban planning, the youth in Newark finally had a place to play.[26]

Essex County parks hosted many events in their parks. There was never a month without concerts, track and field meets, baseball games, or some other competition happening.[27] The parks became especially crowded during the winter when people visited the park to skate on the frozen lakes. New Years celebrations attracted tens of thousands of people to the lakes in Branch Brook Park and Weequahic Park, some even coming from neighboring towns.[28] Children would run to Branch Brook Park after school ended with their crude ice skates, hoping enough ice formed to practice their skating techniques. To support the onslaught of boys, the Commission would flood the ponds with water to add thickness to the ice.[29] The collaboration of the Commission with people in the community demonstrated their commitment to providing recreation.

While the Commission was focused on providing recreation to everyone in Essex County, Newark started to change. During the late 1800s, as a consequence of Newark’s rapidly expanding industry, European immigrants traveled to Newark to work whatever job they could.[30] Furthermore, many African Americans, fleeing oppression from the south, emigrated to Newark in hopes of living a dignified life.[31] The increased share of immigrants and African Americans coincided with an exodus of wealthy people to Essex County suburbs. While this trend occurred gradually during the early 1900s, the Commission stayed true to their principles of creating and maintaining parks in all of Essex County in a time when Newark services improved slowly.[32] However, the post-war economic boom in the United States excerbated problems brewing in the background in Essex County, and the Commission’s maxim about providing parks to everyone was tested.

III. SUBURBS IN ESSEX COUNTY

America in the years following WWII was defined by unprecendented economic prosperity fuelled by massive government spending. The G.I. Bill, which granted low-interest loans to buy houses, attend college, and start businesses, further enabled the burgeoning consumer economy. Manufacturers reentered the consumer market after the war with wealth accrued during their production of war-time materials, while new businesses emerged thanks to the G.I. Bill. College practically guaranteed a long, successful, well-paid career. Large, sprawling suburbs replete with spacious single-family homes became standard for new housing developments, accounting for eighty-three percent of all population growth in the country. People furnished their new homes with modern appliances, such as washers, dryers, freezers, and televisions. The quality of life for many Americans improved after suffering through a depression and a war.[33]

Essex County suburbs existed for many decades prior to the post-war economic boom of the 1950s. Up until the early 1800s, Newark was as large as all of Essex County. However, disagreements between rural and downtown interests caused Newark to fracture into several towns, such as Orange, Belleville, and Montclair. Newark ended up losing around two-thirds of its initial size and a large chunk of its tax base to these towns.[34] By the turn of the century, these towns distanced themselves from Newark because of its uncleanliness and corruption, widening the gap between wealthy business owners and working-class Newarkers.[35] Despite Newark’s reputation, the city remained a focal point in Essex County. Business owners understood that the potential for business was greatest in Newark, attracting people from all over the county.[36] As early as 1906, suburban residents commuted in their horse-drawn carriages to shop at Newark stores.[37] The blueprint was already designed for significant changes in Essex County following WWII.

Nothing changed the landscape of America more during this time than automobiles. The rise of suburban communities was closely tied to automobile sales and motor fuel consumption.[38] In 1956, President Eisenhower was creating the Interstate Highway System, which invigorated automobile culture in the United States. After many roads were built, businesses began catering to car owners. To many, automobiles represented unparalleled freedom because of the ability to travel quickly, conveniently, and inexpensively.[39]

This post-war economic prosperity was not spread equally, though. While white, middle-class Americans climbed the economic ladder in the suburbs, African Americans remained stuck in impoverished cities; tenents in housing contracts for suburban communities forbade African Americans from living there. Furthermore, they were denied loans because of the color of their skin and discriminated against because they lived in minority neighborhoods, a practice known as redlining.[40] While many areas in the country experienced this disparity, this happened in Newark especially quickly because of aggressive urban redevelopment programs.[41] In just a couple of years, the racial makeup of many Newark neighborhoods changed to be predominantly African American. For example, between 1961 and 1966, the percentage of Weequahic High School’s African American student body increased from 19 percent to 70 percent, and the percentage of West Side High’s African American student body increased from 33 percent to 80 percent. The people who previously lived in these communities departed to the suburbs.[42]

Essex County residents’ increased appetite for automobiles greatly affected the growing divide between Newark residents and suburbanites. Even though Newark still lacked adequate park space, city leaders focused their attention on Newark’s streets.[43] Consequently, thousands of families were displaced to make room for highways.[44] The highway Route 78, for instance, “displaced home and business owners from their properties” and disrupted nearby residents’ daily lives.[45] The purpose of these highways was to transport suburbanites to Newark during the day; consequently, in 1959, Newark became the city with the most commuters on an average day, having a population increase of 102% during the day compared to the night.[46] These commuters needed places to park, and vacant parking lots replaced many prospective park areas, exemplifying automobiles’ growing impact on the city.[47]

The Essex County Park Commission contributed to the post-war changes that dramatically affected Newark. In the early 1950s, they widened roads and constructed parking lots in many locations in the park system.[48] The sale of the Oraton Parkway to the New Jersey Highway Authority in 1953 was especially noteworthy because it made the Commission $3,005,000, which they spent on three facilities discussed in the next section.[49] Even more land was sold and even more parking lots were built in the late 1950s, such as a sale of land in 1957 that turned into a highway.[50] Even though the Commission knew cars posed a risk to the vitality of the parks, they continued to help cars proliferate through Essex County.[51] They might have argued these changes were necessary to accommodate the most people, but their developments abetted a positive feedback loop—more automobile infrastructure led to more automobile use, which led to even more automobile infrastructure.[52] By engaging in this cycle, they enabled the widespread adoption of automobiles in Essex Cuonty.

Essex County was rapidly changing due to various societal trends, including automobile culture and urban redevelopment. People living in the city had fewer recreational opportunities compared to people living in the suburbs.[53] Newark and the rest of Essex County seemed to be on separate paths; while the former experienced massive demographic shifts and eroding infrastructure, the latter exploited generous government loans and automobile infrastructure. As the next section illustrates, the Commission tacitly accepted this reality and sought to capitalize on some of the wealth in suburban communities.

IV. MONEY PROBLEMS

Throughout the Essex County Park Commission’s history, most of its funding came from Essex County taxpayers.[54] This remained true in the years following WWII; after a prolonged period of manpower shortages because of the war, it was taxpayer money that funded the park system’s rebound.[55] Many Essex County residents, with the help of government subsidies, experienced massive quality of life improvements. The Commission was poised to continue its mission of bringing recreation to everyone and contribute to Essex County’s golden age. However, the Commission got swept up in the post-war fervor and made a series of myopic decisions that impaired their ability to maintain their parks.

Ice skating was always a popular activity in Essex County. When the weather was cold enough to freeze lakes in the parks, people from all over Essex County would visit to skate.[56] However, the number of available skating days varied wildly. For example, in 1951, there were 92 skating days, whereas in 1952, there were only 16½.[57] Furthermore, no one could guess which lakes would freeze for how many days. In 1951, Grover Cleveland Park had 35 skating days.[58] In 1953, the same park had 1½.[59] Valisburg park had 5 days of ice skating in 1951 and no more for the next 5 years, another example of nature’s unpredictability.[60] The Commission observed a trend of shorter winter seasons in general, and they believed it was their responsibility to remedy this problem.[61]

To overcome nature, the Commission constructed two ice-skating rinks: Branch Brook Ice Center in 1956, located on the southern end of Branch Brook Park, and South Mountain Arena in 1957, located on the north end of South Mountain Reservation.[62] The construction of the South Mountain Arena was “the largest structure ever undertaken by the Park Commission.”[63] The Branch Brook Ice Center cost about $330,000, and the South Mountain Reservation, including a parking lot for 450 cars, cost about $950,000.[64] For reference, the Commission’s entire maitenance budget in 1960 was $2,347,267, highlighting the magnitude of these ventures.[65]

However, unlike most other park facilities, these ice rinks had revenue. There was a shop at the Branch Brook Ice Center, where patrons could rent or buy skates. On top of gear for casual skaters, the shop also sold hockey equipment and figure-skating paraphernalia. Furthermore, the shop operated a small restaurant called “The Refectory” that served hot and cold food.[66] The rinks also charged access to skate, which was another way the rinks made money.[67] At the end of each year, the Commission reported the revenue and expenditures these rinks.

People used the rinks at all hours of the day for many different types of activites, including some previously impossible without temperature-controlled facilities. Early in the morning, figure skaters practiced their routines. Organized hockey teams, from high school teams to Garden State Hockey League teams, started to use the new facilities for practices and games.[68] The rinks attracted a more casual audience, too, such as school groups renting out the facilities for exurcsions.[69] For some, classes on the rink acted as their introduction to skating, with one college student sharing “I’m really doing OK, even though it’s my first time.”[70] Senior citizens also got in on the action, amounting to 20% of the visitors at South Mountain Arena. John Ferguson, a 72-year-old living in Montclair, shared “I had an awful lot of fun going out with groups.”[71] The ice skating rinks were so popular that the Commission believed they had to build even more.[72]

Figure 1 A college class skating on Branch Brook Ice Rink.

Although Essex County residents were enjoying their new rinks, the Commission started to struggle financially. The rinks were funded by a land sale to the highway department, which could not be sustainably repeated. Although these facilities were popular, their margins were thin, as Figures 1 and 2 visualize: South Mountain Arena barely paid for itself, and the Commission had to subsidize Branch Brook Ice Center. In the years after the rinks’ openings, the Commission’s maintenance fund reserves fell from a height of around $200,000 to around $20,000, as seen in Figure 3. The Commission was in a dire predicament, and they needed wise leadership to guide them toward sustainability.

Figure 2 Branch Brook Ice Rink Revenue vs Expenditures. The expenditures and revenue sharply increase after 1969, which coincided with a roof being placed over the rink. This roof cost $305,000 to install.[73]

Figure 3 South Mountain Arena Revenue vs Expenditures.[74]

Figure 4 The Commission’s maintenace fund reserve from 1949-1973. The balance of this fund was reported in the treasury report each year.[75]

While the Commission dealt with ebbing funds, they approved the completion of Turtle Back Zoo, an ambitious project that would be the first child-centered zoo in the northeastern region of the United States.[76] The idea started in 1954, when $100,000 was allocated to the project.[77] The Commission raised another $300,000 for the zoo in 1961 from the sale of more land.[78] The zoo was situated next to the South Mountain Arena, allowing the parking lot to be used for both facilities.[79] The zoo’s construction represented a paradigm shift at the Commission.[80]

Like the ice-skating rinks, the zoo was immediately popular in the county, attracting 358,813 people in 1964.[81] Even though the zoo was targeted toward children, adults often outnumbered the number of children. This is not shocking, though, since the zoo had an entry fee; an adult can pay for themselves, but a child needs an adult to pay for them.[82] The visitors came for entertaining exhibits, such as colorful birds flying around a cage and and funny-looking llamas.[83] The zoo also hosted interesting events like turtle-back riding and travelling zoo shows.[84] The close proximity of this unique facility was a privilege for many Essex County residents.

While the zoo had successful years at the start, the cost of maintaining the zoo quickly outpaced the revenue it generated. In 1967, the zoo spent more money than it made, and the difference only wideneded over time. Figure 4 visualizes the zoo’s losses, amounting to a staggering $744,972.93 over the zoo’s entire existence under the Commission.[85] With that much money, the Commission could have built over 20 playgrounds in its parks.[86] While Essex County residents enjoyed the zoo, it was a commercial failure and certainly contributed to the Commission’s money problems during this time period.

Figure 5 Turtle Back Zoo Revenue vs Expenditures from 1963-1973. The first datapoint in 1962 is a $524.99 expense, which is negligble compared to the rest. It is not clear why expenditures kept rising.[87]

From 1957 to 1963, the Commission built three walled, revenue-generating facilities with entry fees. Few other projects in the history of the Commission fit this description since it was “not the intention of the Commission to enter into commercial enterprises solely to increase revenue.”[88] However, these facilities existed to increase revenue.[89] The Commission would have argued that increasing revenue was necessary to keep up with rising maintenance costs in the entire park system, but a park system that relies on such facilities to operate contradicts the notion that parks are for everyone. If the park needs those facilities to operate, then maintenace of those facilities would be placed above the park services that do not generate revenue—the entire park system would cease to function without them.[90] Furthermore, the timing of these projects coincidied with a stark transfer of wealth from Newark to the suburbs. While the Commission focused their efforts on their new facilities, people in the city were dealing with many problems; even though a large chunk of Essex park land was in Newark, many of its recreation facilities were encumbered by poor maintenance and parked cars.[91]

In the Commission’s 1959 Annual Report, the Commission shared that maintaining the park was “increasingly difficult” because they lacked funds and built specialized recreational facilities.[92] Despite this acknowledgment after building two ice skating rinks, they boldly continued to build a zoo, which exacerbated their monetary issues. By 1968, the Commission was spending one-fifth of their budget on just the two ice skating rinks and the zoo.[93] The Commission could have let county towns provide their own specialized recreational facilities, which is what Orange was planning to do.[94] They would have been left with more money to spend on maintaining and improving existing facilities in their parks or adding free-to-use facilities that eased the recreational burden city residents faced. Instead, they chose to invest in ambitious, expensive projects that required more money than they could sustainably provide, juxtaposing their principle of spending money shrewdly. While the Commission’s funds were tightening due to these facilities, some park activities were favored over others.

V. COUNTRY CLUB

Dilapidated park equipment and poor maintenance defined inner-city parks in the 1960s. Photos from this period suggest that playgrounds were often paved, cramped, and barren. Chain-link fences separated the children from nearby streets where people park their cars. The playgrounds existed near houses, but the fences prevented unauthorized trespassing. Buildings jutted on the side of the play area.[95] At the same time, the Commission was dodging comparisons to country clubs.

Tennis was an activity around since the beginning of the park system, and the Commission often built more tennis courts to satiate demand.[96] Around the 1950s, the Commission, in conjuction with other organizations, sponsored many tennis competitions.[97] For example, they co-sponsored the New Jersey All-Amateur men’s single championship with the Newark News in 1952. These tournaments attracted both casual players and private club members. To participate, applicants had to mail 50 cents along with an entry blank to Newark News. The tennis matches during the competition took place at West Side Park and Branch Brook Park.[98]

In the 1960s, the Commission tried to get inner-city people to play tennis.[99] The commission did this because they wanted to “make tennis a city sport as well as something for suburbanites.” The courts in West Side Park, which were previously, were rarely used by the inner-city residents.[100] Coaxing a group of people into liking a certain activity contradicted their ideal to fulfill people’s desires.

Golf has been apart of the Essex County Park System since 1914, the year the Weequahic golf course was constructued. This golf course was “one of the first public golf courses to be opened in the United States.” Hendricks golf course, located in the north of Branch Brook Park, opened a couple of years later. Golfing was one of the few activities that did require a fee, but the Commission was still providing recreation to working-class people.[101] Furthermore, they were still rapidly expanding with many new parks in their possession.[102]

The Commission cared a lot about golf, and a drought in the 1960s highlighted their commitment to maintaining their golf courses. The drought, which started in 1961 and ranged from Maine to Virginia, was the “most severe northeastern drought in the records of the U.S. Weather Bureau,” putting people out of work and significantly impacting crop yields.[103] In order to maintain the golf courses, the Commission decided to haul water from Branch Brook Park and Weequahic Park lakes.[104] A nearby town’s Park Commission was also taking large quantities of water to maintain their golf course, and protests were performed there because residents felt their Park Commission was not leaving them enough water.[105] While brown grass replaced homeowners’ verdant lawns, Essex County golf courses remained an envious hue.[106] The Commission’s decision demonstrably changed park use; as Figure 4 illustrates, ice skating on the ponds never reached previous highs. In previous years, the Commission would have supplemented the lakes with more water, but pressure to maintain these lakes for skating diminished after the construction of the two ice rinks.[107] The Commission clearly decided that the needs of people who preferred skating on natural ice were less important than the needs of golfers.

Figure 6 Ice skating attendance at the park.[108]

While the drought affected the northeast, the Commission was adamant that the Weequahic Park 9-hole golf course be expanded to 18 holes.[109] Frequent golfers in the county were excited to have more golfing in New Jersey, but others accosted the Commission, saying that the addition would “deprive families of the use of valuable recreation space.” Picnic areas were consistently filled to capacity, and converting more land to a golf course would make these areas more crowded.[110] The Commission already kept the golf courses maintained during a drought, so it was more than fair to deny the golfers’ request. Regardless, the Commission finished building the extra holes for the golf course in 1969, cementing their preference for the golfers.[111]

The Commission likely favored the golfers because they generated revenue. Golf was profitable for the commission, which would have offset losses from the zoo and supplemented maintenance costs. A fee the Commission charged golfers for special maintenance during the drought coincided with a taper in attendance; Figure 5 shows that starting in 1965, the year the Commission enacted the fee, golf attendance started to fall.[112] Still, as Figure 6 illustrates, golf was very profitable during the peak drought years. The number of people using the golf courses were dwindling, yet the Commission gave golfers a new golf course.

Figure 7 Golf attendance as Essex County golf courses.[113]

Figure 8 Golf Revenue vs Expenditures.[114]

The Commission was often compared to a country club because of golf’s popularity, but they contended this moniker.[115] They portrayed golf as the every man’s sport, attracting wealthy and working-class people alike.[116] However, golf was clearly favored, receiving special care during a period of drought. One of the founding principles the Commission had was that the people’s wishes should be respected, but they pushed tennis onto people who were not interested and chose to create golf courses rather than more recreation areas, ignoring the pleas of working-class people in the process.

VI. Conclusion

The concerns Wakeman Avenue parents in 1952 foreshadowed a trend followed by the Essex County Park Commission. When industrialization altered Newark around the 1900s, the Commission was a glimmer of hope for working-class Newarkers living near filthy streets. Just a couple of decades later, the Commission changed some of the values that guided several decades of success. Many people in Newark, including those parents, witnessed the few parks that existed in Newark get turned into highways and parking lots. They wondered why playgrounds closed earlier and lacked adequate equipment.

The Commission was founded on a couple of basic principles, but they violated them soon after WWII. The land was supposed to be for the people, but they let their existing parks rot and sold them to make highways, wider roads, and golf courses. Branch Brook Park, one of the first Essex County parks, became a “grim landscape of urban decay.”[117] Money was supposed to be spent shrewdly, but they built a zoo no one asked for that lost a lot of money. The Commission naively believed that people “could get used to paying for seeing nature in closeup,” which was an alarming philosophy for a park organization.[118] The people’s wishes were supposed to be respected, but they did not talk to the needs for people in the city.[119] Instead, they pushed a sport they did not like because it would have been convenient if they had similar tastes as suburbanites.[120]

The Essex County Park Commission’s idelogical shift from the post-war era highlights how parks and recreation interacted with a changing population. The difference in recreation between people living in the suburbs and people living in the city was just one example of how these two groups of people diverged. How much did the Commission affect the affinities of the population, and how much did the population affect the Commission? Unlike what the Commission thought at the time, would park space have continued to be equitably distributed without the specialized recreational facilities and improved automobile infrastructure? Was there a change in leadership in the Commission around this time that explained their decisions?

 

[1] “Spending $325,000 for Stadium in Face of Neglected School Needs Arouses Sharp Criticisms,” Newark Evening News, November 24, 1952, https://newark.historyarchives.online/, 12. Google maps was used to locate the street Wakeman Avenue within Newark.

[2] “Spending $325,000 for Stadium in Face of Neglected School Needs Arouses Sharp Criticisms,” Newark Evening News, November 24, 1952, https://newark.historyarchives.online/, 12; Josephine Bonomo, “Help Needed Urgently On Youth Recreation,” Newark Evening News, March 13, 1955, sec. IV, https://newark.historyarchives.online/, 111. Provides additional information about this neighborhood 3 years later.

[3] “Retrospective Report of the Essex County Park Commission 1976-1977,” n.d, 6.

[4] “Spending $325,000 for Stadium in Face of Neglected School Needs Arouses Sharp Criticisms,” Newark Evening News, November 24, 1952, https://newark.historyarchives.online/, 12.

[5] “Fifty-Fourth Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1952,” n.d, 53. Playground in Branch Brook Park lacked funding.

[6] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 4. The annual reports of the Essex County Park Commission, including all subsequent reports, can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, these reports can be accessed by emailing the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives.

[7] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 6.

[8] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 63-64, 72.

[9] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 76.

[10] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 72.

[11] Rhodeside & Harwell, Incorporated et al., Volume 2: History of the Park and Critical Periods of Development, November 7, 2002, https://branchbrookpark.org/uploads/1/3/1/7/131747681/bbp_clr_vol2_-_history_of_the_park.pdf, 4-5.

[12] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 72.

[13] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 6.

[14] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 9.

[15] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 14.

[16] In addition to land the Commission purchased, many private entities, including private citizens and the City of Newark, donated land during this time. “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 12.

[17] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 9-11. The report does not explicitly mention the developed parks’ names, but the map found in this other report shows their locations; “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d. The map at the end of this report suggests these parks are currently known as Independence Park on the East side of Newark and West Side Park on the West side of Newark.

[18] “Public Park At Waverly,” Newark Evening News, March 19, 1899, 4; “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 15. Reservation status and improvements.

[19] “Public Park At Waverly,” Newark Evening News, March 19, 1899, 12. Information about South Mountain Reservations; Frederick Kelsey, The First County Park System: A Complete History of the Inception and Development of the Essex County Parks of New Jersey (J.S. Ogilvie Publishing Company, 1905), 120. Information about Eagle Rock Reservation.

[20] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 12. Dollar amount; “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 12. People gave their opinions about the parks.

[21] “Essex Parks’ Individualities,” Newark Evening News, August 1, 1929, 21.

[22] “Playgrounds in Fine Shape: County Park Commission Doing Splendid Work for Children in Many Places,” Newark Evening News, July 30, 1910, 14.

[23] “Irvington Park Boys and Girls Busy Keeping Cool,” Newark Evening News, August 10, 1913, 40.

[24] “Playgrounds in Fine Shape: County Park Commission Doing Splendid Work for Children in Many Places,” Newark Evening News, July 30, 1910, 14.

[25] “Essex Parks’ Individualities,” Newark Evening News, August 1, 1929, 21.

[26] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 72.

[27] Events in these parks are often advertised in the Newark Evening News. Here are some examples. For concerts, “Seventy-Six Park Concerts Planned ,” Newark Evening News, May 13, 1916; For baseball games, April 23rd, 1921 “Seventy-Six Park Concerts Planned ,” Newark Evening News, May 13, 1916, 20; For more concerts, “More Seating Facilities Seen for Band Concerts,” Newark Evening News, July 13, 1923, 8; For cross-country meets, “Athletic Notes,” Newark Evening News, October 11, 1916, 28.

[28] “Many Thousands Enjoy Ice On Lakes In County Parks,” Newark Evening News, January 2, 1917, 23.

[29] “Good Ice In Park But No Skating,” Newark Evening News, December 6, 1903, 33.

[30] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 71.

[31] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 147-148.

[32] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 92.

[33] Joseph L. Locke and Ben Wright, The American Yawp (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019), 288-294.

[34] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 34.

[35] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 34. This book says “New-York business men who now live here,” suggesting many of the suburbanites during this time were business people.

[36] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 83.

[37] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 78.

[38] Joseph L. Locke and Ben Wright, The American Yawp (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019), 288-294.

[39] Lacy, Lee. 2018. “Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Birth of the Interstate Highway System.” Army Sustainment 50 (2): 64–67. EBSCOhost.

[40] Joseph L. Locke and Ben Wright, The American Yawp (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019), 289.

[41] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 8.

[42] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 140.

[43] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 137.

[44] Brad Tuttle, How Newark Became Newark (Rutgers University Press, 2009), 140.

[45] John Johnson, Jr., “‘In the Way of Progress’: How a Federal Highway and Political Fragmentation Blighted Neighborhoods in the Weequahic Section of Newark,” New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 2 (July 25, 2023): 91–129, https://doi.org/10.14713/njs.v9i2.328, 96.

[46] John Johnson, Jr., “‘In the Way of Progress’: How a Federal Highway and Political Fragmentation Blighted Neighborhoods in the Weequahic Section of Newark,” New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 2 (July 25, 2023): 91–129, https://doi.org/10.14713/njs.v9i2.328, 100.

[47] Josephine Bonomo, “Help Needed Urgently On Youth Recreation,” Newark Evening News, March 13, 1955, sec. IV, https://newark.historyarchives.online/.

[48] “Fifty-Fourth Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1952,” n.d, 8.  Commission widens road in Bloomfield Avenue. Location of road found on google maps (https://www.google.com/maps); “Fifty-Sixth Report of the Park Commission 1954,” n.d, 10. A parking lot was built and another road was widened. “Fifty-Sixth Report of the Park Commission 1954,” n.d, 39. The Commission widened a road in Eagle Rock Reservation.

[49] “Report of the Park Commission of Essex County, New Jersey, 1953,” n.d, 27.

[50] “1957 Annual Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 18. Some land was sold for highway; “1958 Annual Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 25. Mentions parking lots in Branch Brook Ice Rink; “1958 Annual Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 21. Mentions parking lots in South Mountain Arena.

[51] “Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1930,” n.d, 9.. Cars would drive off the road and damage the grass.

[52] Kent Hymel, “If You Build It, They Will Drive: Measuring Induced Demand for Vehicle Travel in Urban Areas,” Transport Policy 76 (April 2019): 57–66, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tranpol.2018.12.006.

[53] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 18.

[54] “1973 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 2.

[55] “Forty-Seventh Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1945,” n.d, 10-11.

[56] “Fifty-Third Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1951,” n.d, 25.

[57] “Fifty-Third Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1951,” n.d, 25; “Fifty-Fourth Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1952,” n.d, 23.

[58] “Fifty-Third Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1951,” n.d, 53.

[59] “Report of the Park Commission of Essex County, New Jersey, 1953,” n.d, 53.

[60] Looked through the Park Commission’s Annual Reports from 1951 to 1956.

[61] “Fifty-Sixth Report of the Park Commission 1954,” n.d, 23.

[62] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 33.

[63] “1957 Annual Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 16.

[64] These numbers were dervied from the treasury reports at the end of Annual Reports 1958 and 1959. The Commission listed the ice rinks under the “Capital Fund – Sale of Land to New Jersey Highway Authority” section. The South Mountain Arena was referred to as “Ice Skating—Indoor,” and the Branch Brook Ice Center was referred to as “Ice Skating—Outdoor.” These names were reasoned to be true because South Mountain Arena was indoor while the Branch Brook Ice Center was outdoor. The treasury reports split the $950,000 into two funds: the Capital Fund from the Sale of Land to New Jersey Highway Department, which accounts for $209,684 of the allocated funds, and the Capital Fund from the Sale of Land to New Jersey Highway Authority, which accounts for $750,000 of the allocated funds. “1958 Annual Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 21. Parking spaces.

[65] “1960 Annual Report,” n.d, 27.

[66] “Branch Brook Skating Increasingly Popular,” Newark Evening News, March 7, 1971, sec. 1, 34.

[67] “Essex Students Get Rink Rates,” Newark Evening News, June 23, 1968, sec. 1, 49. The admission fee is implied because students receive “reduced rates” and free skating on weekends.

[68] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 25. The report gives an example schedule of the South Mountain Rink for a day.

[69] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 25.; Carolyn Zachary, “Freshmen Get to Cut Some Ice,” Newark Evening News, October 30, 1966, 212. This newspaper article described a college class’s outing to the Branch Brook Rink.

[70] Carolyn Zachary, “Freshmen Get to Cut Some Ice,” Newark Evening News, October 30, 1966, 212.

[71] Walter Sopronik, “Seniors Warm Toward Ice,” Newark Evening News, November 21, 1965, sec. 1, 92.

[72] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 24.

[73] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 20; For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 2 here, the data can be download here.

[74] For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 3 here, the data can be found here.

[75] For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 and by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For Figure 4 here, the data can be downloaded here.

[76] “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 13.

[77] “Fifty-Sixth Report of the Park Commission 1954,” n.d, 23.

[78] “1961 Annual Report,” n.d, 8.

[79] “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 15.

[80] “1962 Annual Report,” n.d, 2.

[81] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 18.

[82] “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 14-15.

[83] “The 1964 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 22. This source described a bird exhibit; “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 19. This source described a llama exhibit.

[84] “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 23. Turtle back riding inferred from picture of child riding a turtle; “1970 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 18. This source described travelling zoo shows.

[85] Numbers calculated through data analysis of the Commission’s treasury reports in Annual Reports 1962-1973. The Commission stopped reporting numbers after 1973.

[86] “1965 Annual Report,” n.d, 30. The construction fund in the treasury report says Ivy Hill Playground cost around $32,000.

[87] For Figures 1-7, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 4 here, the data can be found here [link].

[88] “Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1930,” n.d, 11.

[89] “Retrospective Report of the Essex County Park Commission 1976-1977,” n.d, 15. The commission says they built these facilities to increase revenue.

[90] “Retrospective Report of the Essex County Park Commission 1976-1977,” n.d, 15. The Commission argues, “Many are revenue producing facilities, generating income from admission or use charges. The revenues help defray sizeable operating costs and allow for development of more progressive programming.”

[91] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 3. Full quote: “Consider that 901 of a total of 5,172 acres of Essex park land are in Newark. Gratifying yes, but look to the inadequacy of recreation facilities within these city parks. Temporary field houses at West Side, Branch Brook and Ivy Hill are too obsolete to meet present-day, usage. Playground buildings in Branch Brook, Independence, West Side and Weequahic require extensive rehabilitation, or replacement. Parking of cars is a mounting problem. These are but a few of the frustrations a Park Commissioner feels in reflecting upon current needs of Newark.”

[92] “1959 Annual Report,” n.d, 13.

[93] “1968 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 20. Number was dervied from a pie chart: 9.1% of budget went to Turtle Back Zoo, 8.5% of budget went to South Mountain Arena, and 2.4% of budget went to Branch Brook Skating Rink, adding up to 20%.

[94] “Urges Park Plan Orange Would Build Skating Rinks,” Newark Evening News, March 6, 1966, 102. Town of Orange talks about constructing an ice rink.

[95] Photos from digital archives for Newark Public Library; Newark Board of Education, State Street School, June 1943, photograph, June 1943. https://archive.org/details/NewarkSchools1361. Shows mothers with their back to a large brick wall while children play on limited playground equipment; Samuel Berg, S Side 18th Ave Looking SE from NW Cor Jelliff, June 4, 1961, photograph, June 4, 1961. https://archive.org/details/Berg0890. Shows a wide street with light traffic next to a playground with a chain-link fence; Samuel Berg, Playground Sussex Ave Public School, April 22, 1962, photograph, April 22, 1962. https://archive.org/details/Berg1803. Shows a barren play area surrounded by a chain-link fence and parked cars; Newark Board of Education, Housing Series–Newark Research Department, May 1940, photograph, May 1940. Shows children huddled together in a very small area with climbing bars; Newark Board of Education, Child Care Center at Webster Street School, August 1943, photograph, August 1943. https://archive.org/details/NewarkSchools1492. Shows a congregation of children in a barren area; Recreation South 10th Street School, December 1, 1954, photograph, December 1, 1954. https://archive.org/details/NewarkSchools5130A. Shows children playing tetherball, jump rope, and seesaw in an area enclosed by a chain-link fence next to a street with parked cars; Newark Board of Education, Repair Maintenance Damaged Playground McKinley School, May 3, 1963, photograph, May 3, 1963. https://archive.org/details/NewarkSchools6505. Shows a hole in a play area in the foreground and a baseball diamond in the background; Samuel Berg, So. 8th St Public School Looking W North Annex and Athletic Courtyard, August 24, 1960, photograph, August 24, 1960. https://archive.org/details/Berg1409A. Shows another chain-link playground with a basketball hoop.

[96] “Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1931,” n.d, 10. Tennis courts built in Verona Park; “Thirty-Eight Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1935,” n.d, 8. Tennis courts built in Brookdale Park; “Forty-Third Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1941,” n.d, 8. Tennis courts built in Passaic River Parkway.

[97] “Forty-First Report of the Park Commission of Essex County New Jersey 1939,” n.d, 23.

[98] Charley Silver, “News Net Tourney Gives Players Lot for a Little,” Newark Evening News, July 30, 1952, 30.

[99]“1967 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 13; “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 22.

[100] Chester Coleman, “West Side Park’s a Wonderland for Ghetto Youngsters,” Newark Evening News, August 17, 1969, sec. 1, 24.

[101] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 12-13.

[102] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 12.

[103] “Prolonged Drought in East Peril to Both Farms, Cities,” Newark Evening News, May 23, 1965, sec. 2, 80.

[104] “1965 Annual Report,” n.d, 3.

[105] “Water Use Hit Mt. Olive Protests on Golf Course,” Newark Evening News, August 8, 1965, sec. 9, 165.

[106] Walter Sopronik, “Grass Is NOT Greener Drought and Chinch Bugs Are Hitting Lawns,” Newark Evening News, July 17, 1966, sec. 1, 17.

[107] Rhodeside & Harwell, Incorporated et al., Volume 2: History of the Park and Critical Periods of Development, November 7, 2002, https://branchbrookpark.org/uploads/1/3/1/7/131747681/bbp_clr_vol2_-_history_of_the_park.pdf, 82.

[108] For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 6 here, the data can be found here.

[109] “1965 Annual Report,” n.d, 2.

[110] “1966 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 17.

[111] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 21.

[112] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 21.

[113] For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 7 here, the data can be found here.

[114] For Figures 2-8, the data comes from the Annual Reports 1950-1970, which can be found at the Park Archives.  While these are not publicly available, I emailed the archivist at the Archives of the Essex County Park System, who can be reached at the phone number 973-268-3500 or by visiting https://essexcountyparks.org/cultural/archives. For each of these graphs, I will include a downloadable link to the data. For Figure 8 here, the data can be found here.

[115] “1967 Report Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 14.

[116] “1963 Annual Report,” n.d, 3.

[117] Faye Harwell and Brad Garner, “BRINGING BACK OLMSTED’S PLANTINGS,” Landscape Architecture Magazine 98, no. 8 (August 2008): 78–89, 84.

[118] “1972 Annual Report,” n.d, 18.

[119] “1969 Report, Essex County Park Commission,” n.d, 48. A Commission staff member says “We people in recreation have not been consulting people in the inner city about what they want”

[120] Chester Coleman, “West Side Park’s a Wonderland for Ghetto Youngsters,” Newark Evening News, August 17, 1969, sec. 1, 24.

Primary Sources:

Report of the Park Commission of Essex County, N.J

  • Location: Parks Archives, Parks Administration Building at 115 Clifton Avenue in Newark, New Jersey
  • This source contains the budget for Branch Brook Park and the attendance of various activities, including ice skating, which will give me an idea of how the park was used and the popularity of ice skating throughout the years.

Freshmen Get to Cut Some Ice

Roof for Branch Brook Skating Rink 

Branch Brook Park Is Restful Haven From Noisy City 

Seniors Warm Toward Ice

 

Analysis of Freshmen Get to Cut Some Ice

 

This source is a newspaper article from October 30, 1966 about college students’ experience using the Branch Brook Park skating rink. The author, Carolyn Zachary, seems to be targeting young people with the article, enticing them to skate at the park. The article, which was published less than a year before the Newark riots, is about a skating class for girls held at the rink. The article mentions the girls bringing their own skates or renting them at the rink. Written at a time with heavy racial tensions and housing problems, an article about white college girls’ experience ice skating demonstrates a disconnect between the audience for the article and the time it was written. My argument is that this article shows how the average Newarker was not the primary demographic of Branch Brook Rink.

There are three factors that leads me to my conclusion: age, class, and race. The article describes a college class’s outing to the park, which is meant to entice other young people to try skating. Furthermore, the source is written about college students, which might have been a luxury given only to upper-class and educated people. Finally, the college students depicted in an image are all white, which might further explain the demographics the article is targeting.

Secondary Sources:

Galop, Kathleen P, and Catharine Longendyck. Branch Brook Park. Arcadia Publishing, 2007.

  • This source is a book with a plethora of images with captions pertaining to the history of the park.
  • Written by Kathleen P. Galop, one of the founders of Branch Brook Park’s annual Cherry Blossom Festival, this book tells the story of Branch Brook Park through photographs. It will help me learn about how people used the park, such as on page 77, which showed many people on the ice rink before it was converted into a roller rink; on page 83, which showed a picture of children playing in a pool; on page 96, which showed renovated tennis courts a people using them. It also tells the story of certain locations in the park, such as the boat house, which eventually fell into disrepair. Without having to wade through copious amounts of images with potentially little context, I now have a clearer understanding of what the park was used for. For example, I didn’t understand that the park was made with leisurely drives in automobiles in mind until I saw a portrait of a vehicle in the park or the permit issued to use that vehicle. This fact is especially interesting because it insinuates that, at some point, the park limited vehicular traffic. The book is also rife with dates, giving me a clearer timeline of the development of the park.

 

Tuttle, Brad R. How Newark Became Newark : The Rise, Fall, and Rebirth of an American City. 1st ed., Rivergate Books, 2009, https://doi.org/10.36019/9780813546568.

  • This source is a book that conveys a broad history of Newark, from its time as a Puritan colony, through its decline, and until its recovery.
  • Admittedly, I do not know much about the city I’ve lived in for 3 years. This book will, hopefully, provide a history lesson so that I can understand the critical points of the city’s development. For example, Part 1 details how Newark earned its reputation as a dominant manufacturing city. Although I have not finished reading the book, I Part 1 described some of the problems that persisted into the 20th century, including political corruption and a shrinking tax base. I hope that the broader context of the city will give me some insights I can apply to my research about Branch Brook Park. For example, I am interested in how Newark’s surrounding suburbs formed, which has history dating back to 1806 (page 34). Also, I am interested in Newark’s desire to create public parks, which this book also goes over in the early periods of Newark’s development.

Levee, Arleyn, and Charles Beveridge. “Cultural Landscape Report, Treatment, and Management Plan for Branch Brook Park.” Volume 2: History of the Park and Critical Periods of Development, Rhodeside & Harwell, Incorporated, 7 Nov. 2002, branchbrookpark.org/uploads/1/3/1/7/131747681/bbp_clr_vol2_-_history_of_the_park.pdf. 

  • This source is an excruciatingly detailed history of the park since its inception until present-day.
  • This source is a landscape report constructed by Rhodeside & Harwell, an architecture firm tasked with generating a plan for restoring and maintaining the park in 2002. The report contains information about every location in the park, including maps of all 9 plans laid out throughout the lifetime of the park. These plans seem like an invaluable source for tracking the changes of the park throughout its history. Furthermore, the detailed descriptions of each location, down to the types of tree planted, are also useful. However, one paragraph in this source especially intrigued me; they claimed that Essex County had less money for park services, requiring some services be cut back (page 81). I believe by investigating this claim, I can understand more about the park.

Image Analysis:

The environmental injustice site I chose encompasses all of Essex County, New Jersey. This photo depicts the Branch Brook Ice Rink in Newark, New Jersey, which lies on the southern end of Branch Brook Park, the first park in the Essex County park system. This park is one of the largest, having significant land coverage in two different towns. The rink’s location lies in the north end of Newark, Essex County’s biggest city. Although the date this photo was taken is not conclusive, the year certainly lies between 1957 and 1967; the rink was opened in 1957, and a roof was placed over the rink in 1967. The photo shows people entering through a building in the bottom right, supposedly to enter the ice rink filled with skaters. There are trees in the background, serving as the only evidence in the photo that the rink resides in a park. The Collonade apartment building, a symbol of modern architecture at the time, looms in the background. Even farther back are more buildings, which look like high-rise apartments and are a reminder that the rink is in a city. My argument is that the ice rink was not made for the people in Newark, but rather for people who live farther away, and this disparity precluded people living in the city from using this recreational facility.

The parking lot in the bottom left that is attached to the ice rink has many cars parked in it. In the background, there are high-rise apartment buildings, highlighting the rink’s proximity to the city. Clearly, there are many people within walking distance to the rink; yet, the parking lot is nearly the size of the rink itself. If the rink was made for the people in the city, then a large parking lot would not be necessary. People in the city could simply walk to the rink. The parking lot suggests that the target audience for the rink is not people living in the city, but rather people living farther away. 

The manicured walls of the ice rink represent the difference between how people ice skated before and after the rink was built. Before the rink was built, people would get ice skates and skate on the frozen lake. There were no boundaries for them and the space was free for anyone to use. Furthermore, when there were no boundaries for skating, there was no distinct separation from participants on the lake. However, with the rink, there is a tangible divide between those in the rink and those outside of it. The wall pontentially contributed to a segregated environment, where people in the rink formed cliques that made skating even harder for people not in those cliques. In addition to the walls bounding the rink, the fences in the foreground and background create an inflated sense of distance between a park visitor and people in the rink. These physical boundaries support the idea that the rink became a place for specialized recreation a minority of people enjoyed.

The Collonade apartments near the rink look like luxury apartments. The opulent glass exterior and proximity to the park suggest these apartments were expensive. Since the ice rink is artificial, the apartment building could reasonably market the ice rink as an activity, among other things to do at the park. Even though the apartments might not be associated with the park, they are nonetheless capitalizing on the added value the recreational facility brings. The Collonade apartments demonstrate how recreational facilities could impact the surrounding area, potentially pricing out locals for the sake of the highest bidder.

This photo is important to my environmental injustice site because it shows how an Essex County Park Commission recreational facility might have excluded people from participating. This image was taken at a time when automobile infrastructure was rapidly expanding across the country. Highways were rapidly built to facilate the transportation of a growing class of people living in suburban areas. While suburbanites were experiencing an economic boom after WWII, the lives of people living in cities got worse. Recreational spaces were diminishing, and more automobiles quickly altered the landscape of cities.

Data Analysis:

Oral Interviews:

Video Story: