From Resistance to Gentrification: Community Gardens and their Role in Producing Gentrification
by Alvaro Martins-Lambe
Site Description:
In the 1970s, Manhattans Lower East Side was a hotbed for politics. Artists, activist and developers were fighting to stake their claim over the neighborhood. Financial crisis and poverty caused urban decay to plague the neighborhood, but a few groups of environmental activists began to reclaim vacant lots and make them into community gardens for green space and food sovereignty. These gardens became sites of organized resistance, where local activists from all different political secotors would meet and organize. But as gentrification crept into lower Manhattan new residents arrived, raising property values, outpricing old tenants and joining the gardens. Residents old and new faced with a shifting neighborhood, naturally the gardens shifted too, their membership, purpose, and place. This raises several questions: How have community gardens on Manhattan’s Lower East Side functioned as sites of grassroots resistance and as amenities in a gentrifing neighborhood? How do members and organizers in these gardens see their role in the process of gentrification? Considerable research has examined the role of government green space projects producing gentrification and inequality. However little research has examined volunteer-run community gardens with a history of grassroots organizing and their transformation. Understanding how community gardens and sites of resistance have transformed is crucial for organizers to maintain their grassroots organizations in the face of changing neighborhoods.

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Primary Sources:
“Map of Community Gardens, Created by LUNGS: Loisaida United Neighborhood Gardens.
https://lungsnyc.org/map-of-gardens/
This is an up to date map of the existing community gardens in the Lower East Side. It is useful to my research to compare maps over time to see changes in names, the amount of gardens, and where they are located.
Martinez, J Miranda . Power at the Roots : Gentrification, Community Gardens, and the Puerto Ricans of the Lower East Side. Lexington Books, 2010. Pg. (34-35)
https://research.ebsco.com/plink/ca1b4684-0471-37c3-97cc-00ee196727d3
Description: This is a map that lists all of the community gardens and their names including ones that have been destroyed or taken over. This will provide me the visual aspect for the readers so there is an understanding of where these gardens are in relation to one another.
Ayo Harrington Oral history Interview.
https://villagepreservation.org/oral_history/ayo-harrington/
Description: This interview is with local veteran activist Ayo Harrington. She provides her insight and perspective on the history of community gardens and how gentrification has interacted with the character of the gardens and neighborhood.
CNN interview with Agnes Denes.
https://www.cnn.com/2024/06/11/style/video/agnes-denes-wheatfield-1982
This interview is with Agnes Denes after completing her exhibition gives insight to her motivations and intentions with the wheatfield. It also offers a short interview with the worker who’s harvesting the field which can give more background to my image analysis.
The Shadow Newspaper January 1999.
https://libcom.org/article/shadow-45-january-1999
Description: This is a local anarchist newspaper from the Lower East Side that covered the Esperanza Garden destruction which was a turning point for many organizations in the gardening movement. It brought new people and shifted the demographics, intentions, and political orientation of gardeners. It will provide me insight to not only the source but also what activists were thinking in contrast to reporting from the New York Times.
Death of a Garden NYT, Feb 17, 2000.
https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/2000/02/17/issue.html
This Times opinion piece is very interesting, especially the framing of value in the community gardens. I plan on comparing this with the shadow, other NYT articles, and oral interviews to illustrate the various attitudes over time. This article about the death of the esperanza garden is a really good flashpoint to investigate.
Map of median incomes in Manhattan.
https://www.arcgis.com/apps/mapviewer/index.html?webmap=42d3a15a6d294293855db01dcaf2a520
This map shows median household income for Manhattan overtime. I want to use this and possibly a more targeted map to argue that in certain areas the income density has increased exponentially and correlate that with current garden members.
Photos of Museum of Reclaimed Urban Space.
155 Loisaida Ave, New York, NY 10009
https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1F55Y2FzphxEYM2PRFNAVj-blGQLQxcug?usp=sharing
On Saturday I went to this museum and took photos of the community garden exhibit. This provided first hand accounts of the community garden movement in the Lower East Side. I spoke to the director of the Museum and also learned about the current dynamics of gardens and got a brief history. I will be using these as primary sources in my historical overview. I also took photos of the medicinal garden in La Plaza where they hold workshops on how to use them. Additionally, there is a public garden anyone can harvest from. I plan to use this to show how these gardens have maintained some of their intentions and act as sites of resistance for food sovereignty.
Agnes Denes, Wheatfields of Manhattan Exhibition.
http://www.agnesdenesstudio.com/works7.html
This website contains the full exhibition photos of Agnes Denes 1982 exhibition “Wheatfield- A confrontation: Battery Park Landfill, Downtown Manhattan”. This art was a two acre wheatfield planted in Battery Park by Agnes Denes as a part of an international art show against world hunger. In this collection of photos I will be focusing on two in particular, Image No.9 and No.7 as well as the short description below.
Ayo Harrington Oral history Interview.
https://villagepreservation.org/oral_history/ayo-harrington/
Analysis:
This interview with Ayo Harrinton is a part of the Village Preservation’s oral history project. The oral interview is about her work as an activist and organizer in community gardening, homesteading, environmentalism, and civil rights movements in the East Village during the 1960s to the present. Sarah Dziedic conducts the interview going over everything about Harrington’s early life through her activism to her later years and her perspective on current issues and organizing. I will be focusing on Harrington’s experiences in the community gardening movement as well as her perspectives on its relation to gentrification. As a leader and participant in the community gardening movement in the Lower East Side, I will use Harrington’s perspective to argue that many of the leaders see the gardens as a reflection of the process of gentrification not only causing displacement but changing of values, culture, and community in the gardens.
This oral history is fundamental to my argument that many of the leaders and historic community members feel that the gardens are a reflection of how the neighborhood attitudes towards gardens have shifted. Harrtington describes the movements for housing and gardens in the LES as fundamentally connected stating it was “All about Land”, pointing out that the emergence of the take over of this land for housing or gardening was all about the need for land. The need for land to live, to eat, to gather in community, and preserve culture. “I decided that we should have a garden that didn’t have any plots or any sections that people could take ownership of. You had to take ownership of the whole piece of land and not one part of it.” This shows the collective attitude leaders such as Harrington had at the time over the land they were occupying. I find this useful because now many of the gardens, and in particular the one she discusses have individual plots, that this collective ownership mentality has been lost on the community now. Harrtington notes that after the garden was well established an owner of one of the plots they were occupying sued for the land to be returned, they won and now there sits an apartment building with one-bedrooms starting at $2,600. The people that created this garden may not recognize it now, with individual ownership and an affluent local membership completely shifting the purpose of the garden beyond it being a green space.
On page 21, Harrington begins to talk about gentrification stating that the racial makeup of the gardens today is overwhelmingly white, alienating many of the older members of color. Harrington goes on to say that while many of these white people may be low to moderate income she makes a distinction about the thinking of these newcomers. “So now that there is this citywide feeling by too many that, yes, I live in this building, I’ve lived here for thirty years, I’ve done all this work on this building, and I feel like I should get something out of it. I should be able to sell it for a lot of money, and buy a house somewhere, or go somewhere and do something else. But that’s not the intent. The intent is not that you get rich off of this investment that you made to benefit yourself and your family. And it has benefitted yourself and your family for decades and decades. The benefit is supposed to go to the community as affordable housing in perpetuity. But there is this effort and movement to change the thinking about this structure of housing, in that we should be able to sell it and make a huge profit. And that is just terribly wrong.” The intent and use of these gardens has changed in the eyes of many historic leaders. The largely minority population of the LES when these gardens were established did so to reclaim their neighborhood from decay, to establish a place where food was accessible and fresh, to gather and share culture with the community. Overtime leaders such as Harrington have recognized that the purpose of these gardens and housing have become places where newcomers act for their own personal benefit, like wealth building.
These spaces were also intended to be ones where locals could gather, in a public space that wasn’t covered in concrete. The influx of white semi-affluent residents have also shifted how these spaces have functioned on a social level. Harrington discusses the Orchard Alley Garden as an example “It’s kind of like today, in that same garden, you’ll see Puerto Ricans drinking beer and people complaining about that because it’s not allowed. No drinking on any city-owned public green space, and I respect that. And then you’ll see a group of young white hipsters, so to speak, and they’ll be drinking wine or champagne or whatever, nobody says anything about that.” The Puerto Rican community that established these green spaces continually face discrimination for things the new White community can easily get away with. This inequality racial drives people of color out like Harrington of these spaces that were established for a community of color. Harrington goes on to state that she does not visit these gardens because of this type of attitude creating an unwelcoming environment. New white residents have treated these gardens as amenities to satisfy their personal gain, they have imposed their vision of what the garden should be by forcing out its historic practice of collective farming, its historic membership of color, and its intent as a site of resistance. It served as a site of resistance because it rejected the dominant power structure of individuality through collective farming, it challenged racism by giving a minority community a place to establish dignity rather than exploited subjects, and finally it reinvisioned a world in which land is not used for wealth building but for the sustenance of local people.
Secondary Sources:
Benjamin Looker, A Nation of Neighborhoods: Imagining Cities, Communities, and Democracy in Postwar America (2015).
Benjamin Looker explores the construction of the post war urban neighborhood as a symbol and site of debate through which new visions of the nation are transformed into the cold war-era. Looker argues that a variety of political actors fought and struggled over the definition and control of the “neighborhood” that projected contradictory visions of the neighborhood in America. This text’s significance lies within his argument against the popular understanding of this period as one plagued by urban blight, decay, and dysfunction. Rather, Looker argues that the neighborhood is an imaginative space that is always in a dialectical conversation with the beliefs, and actions addressing real and perceived issues. Looker uses analysis of popular culture such as TV shows like Sesame Street to illustrate the discourse of American society in shaping imagined cities in their present challenges and futures.
This text’s main strength to me is the conceptualization of the neighborhood as an imaginative space in which people push their conceptions on what American society is or should be. Centralizing the term “neighborhood” as a symbolic term in understanding the experience of space in the postwar U.S as not only a story of decay but also reimagined futures. The main weakness I find in this text is that it is very broad and can feel disorganized at times. Because this text goes over a large period of time over many urban sites it can feel generalizing for some time and period specific topics. The intervention here is crucial because of the characterization of this period as one of decay, decline, and despair in scholarship is drowning in the field. Scholarship often can focus on the structural inequalities and political actors that implemented this decay rather than those who reimagined or resisted it. For my research, reconceptualizing words like neighborhood are central to my work. I would like to use a similar method in the way we use the word “tenant” because it can often refer to a very specific rigid set of circumstances a person is in and often limits the imagination of how people could view themselves and their relation with their local communities.
Brown, Lawrence T. The Black Butterfly the Harmful Politics of Race and Space in America. Johns Hopkins University Press (2021)
In The Black Butterfly Lawrence T. Brown argues that structural racism has caused the continuing destruction of Black communities in the United States proposing a five step process in order to achieve racial equity. This process consists of recognizing and stopping historical trauma and its continued effects on Black Communities. Additionally, restructuring allocation of funds, ownership, affordable housing, and decision making in Black communities. Essentially a series of policy recommendations on how to alleviate historical spatial racism.
In this text Brown uses a combination of historical, and spatial analysis of policy and practices in Baltimore City to illustrate how the United States created a unique system of apartheid. Additionally, Brown uses Michelle Sotero’s conceptual model of historical trauma to analyze its ongoing effects in Black Neighborhoods. Finally, Brown conducts a “racial equity analysis” of various systems and institutions to understand how they further perpetuate this historical trauma. Brown uses political analysis, social science research, and archival materials in crafting his argument.
The strengths of this text is in its structural analysis of race and how it has influenced and controlled the production and use of space in the United States. Brown is able to illustrate the depth to which this spatial racism is embedded in American institutions and practices. The shortcomings are in the historical analysis and in the policy recommendations. For historical analysis it at times feels rushed and very condensed, I think a more comprehensive look into the historic policy would create a stronger argument for policy recommendations. Lastly, the policy recommendations listed here are very popular now amongst the liberal class especially in NYC where they have had significant issues and have not been very effective in achieving some of the goals Brown seeks. In my opinion, a complete restructuring of housing and spatial practice would need to be done in order to remedy any of these issues Brown analyzes.
For my future research the definition of gentrification is useful because it describes the often conceived notion of how gentrification works as displacing low income people but often leaves out the political element to it. I believe the definition Brown uses leaves much to be desired in the political attitudes of existing and incoming residents and how they envision and enact political change.
Forman, Murray. The Hood Comes First: Race, Space, and Place in Rap and Hip-Hop. Wesleyan University Press. (2002)
Murray Forman in The Hood Comes First argues that by examining and exploring key spatial configurations that emerge from rap and hip hop discourse media that cultural production of urban sites of significance can be better understood. Forman does this by examining the ways in which members of hip-hop and rap cultures articulate notions of subjective and collective identities, urban experience, racial consciousness and spatially constructed patterns of power. Forman supports his argument by examining words and phrases such as “the real”, “the hood”, “the ghetto” that have been used in Hip hop and rap to construct the spatial conception of these communities. Additionally, he examines various rap and hip-hop songs on radio in their context to further construct the discourse of this space. This examination of discourse allows him to illustrate hip hop’s relationships to the social production of race and space, and through discourse we can see the visions and practices merging to create unique cultural identities and meanings.
Recognizing the considerable amount of research done on rap, Forman states that there is little done on the critical study of assumed factors within the popular music industry that have aided or restricted its development. Moreover, Forman seeks to intervene in the uncritical assumption and unanswered generalities in the canon that have restricted the history of hip-hop and rap. Lastly, Forman seeks to contribute to the study of hip hop and rap from a geocultural and spatial perspective.
This text’s biggest strength is its examination of discourse and the construction of space and place through hip hop and rap. Forman has a strong understanding of the scholarship on discourse and space and place that holds up his argument about the unique construction of rap and hip hop space in the United States. There are not many weaknesses I can point out, the argument is strong and well supported so I am going to make suggestions about additions I might make. First, I would add some oral interviews with rappers and consumers to reinforce the narrative and break up the academic jargon, it can be hard to read at times this could ease it for the reader. Secondly, I would like a more in depth exploration of the rise of stand-up comedy and its relation with hip-hop in the 90s as I see him examining the Arsenio Hall show. I would love to see an exploration into Def Comedy Jam and its position in the discourse in relation to rap. I find this text to be useful because of its framing of how space can function in urban context and provides me with a lens of media studies that I have yet to encounter. I could see myself using this text in my own framing of media and its role in the cultural production of urban space and place.
Massey, Doreen. Space, Place, and Gender. NED-New edition. University of Minnesota Press, (1994)
This book demonstrates the ways in which feminist theory and geographical concepts and contexts are central to understanding postwar capitalist society in Britain. Massey Argues that masculinist reading and writing of geography and the wholesale disregard for feminist theory/voices in the post modernist debate have enormous power in defining the terrain of geographical analysis. For example in the chapter “A Woman’s Place” Massey analyzes how economic development facing industry reworked gender relations and subsequently ideology across Britain. The key intervention Massey is making is that there has been a wholesale discounting of Feminist theory in academic scholarship. Massey argues for the recognition of the social constructedness of concepts of place and place identities.
The strengths in this text are the critique of masculinist geographic conceptions of how space and place are constructed, emphasising that they are constructed out of social relations that have multiple meanings held by varying social groups. I think this intervention is the strongest in relation to her critique of Harvey and his lack of challenging traditional geographic modes of analysis. While not a weakness but more of a left me wanting more was perhaps an investigation or comparison outside of Britain or western society to further Massey’s contention that there is far more complexity and relation of identity groups and space.
This text will be helpful in my understanding of how capital uses the forms of geographical variation and inequality such as gender and how that formed the divisions of labor. This is fundamental to my research in understanding how private property under capitalism uses space and place to form gender relations and divisions of labor in Western Society.
Robert Sampson, The Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring
Neighborhood Effect (2012)
In Great American City Robert Sampson reveals how the mechanisms of social causality are profoundly shaped by the spatial logic of urban life. Sampson argues that neighborhood contexts are important determinants in shaping human behavior. His analysis includes not only structural and cultural elements but also the perceptions and choices of individual residents. Sampson supports his argument by analyzing the ecologically concentrated disadvantage on individual behavioral outcomes.
Sampson makes multiple interventions with his new framework of analysis, particularly in the field of sociology. He points out that the application of “tool kits” and “scripts” are individualistic and not very suitable for a frame of persistent macrohistorical continuity, cultural mechanisms, and embedded social structures.Sampson’s most critical intervention for my work is his challenging of self selection bias. His critique of self-selection bias comes from his framework of neighborhood effects, posing the neighborhood as an entity that has a dialectical relationship with its residents. While self selection bias promotes the effect of neighborhoods are caused by characteristics of families and individuals who end up living there. Rather, he argues that “individual selection is embedded in social contexts” making it a neighborhood effect itself.
For my research Sampson’s framework is helpful in advocacy for holistic policy interventions at a local level that do not foster displacement, rather than enhance citizen participation and mobilization greatly tightening the social fabric of a neighborhood. His examination of neighborhoods as “persistent macrohistorical continuity” is useful for my research as seeing neighborhoods as woven into the fabric of their history not simply as “products” or separate.
The only weakness I can find independently is the section on Non profits effect on neighborhoods. For such a macro historical understanding I found it curious why he did not include or hint at sociological scholarship that asserts that non profits long term effects can be negative on creating lasting social change. I am thinking of the book The Revolution Will Not Be Funded that coined the term “Non-Profit Industrial Complex” arguing that these groups are often co-opted to manage dissent and maintain existing power structures rather than radical social change that Sampson discusses.
Overall Analysis
For this annotated bibliography I have chosen to examine the sub field of space and place in American studies. Each of these texts examines a different aspect of space and place but largely centers around how localized communities are constructed and mediated by discourse through media, gender, race, class, politics, and history. Each of these texts provide different lenses, methodologies and subjects that offer insight into how space and place are constructed. The majority of these works are stemming from Henri Lefebvre’s work but primarily “The Production of Space” and others such as David Harvey and Michel Foucault. Each of these texts builds on these scholars’ notion of space as a core facet of the hegemonic order, as space is used to define dominant and subordinate relationships. Each of these texts examine discourse in a given field or subject, Massey examines a “Women’s Place”, Looker does the “Neighborhood”, and Forman does “the hood”and more. Each of these authors use the examination of common phrases in discourse to illustrate how the space is constructed and mediated by this discourse.
I have yet to examine more of the scholarship on the relation of gender and space but from this list there is a gap in the study of queerness and gender in space and place. Additionally, while authors like Forman use some ethnographic, and media studies I believe more of these kinds of primary sources including oral histories could greatly strengthen the field as well as making it more accessible to non academics. If there were to be an examination of queer space and place there would need to be oral history research conducted because of the particular historical context of the community. Lastly, I would like to see more non-western interpretations of how space and place work, this could also include how space and place are constructed in a digital age in which borders have different boundaries and new identity groups form and are mediated by an alternative discourse.
Image Analysis:

Denes, Agnes. “Wheatfield — A Confrontation..” 1982. http://www.agnesdenesstudio.com/works7.html.
Analysis:
This image is a part of Agnes Denes 1982 exhibition “Wheatfield- A confrontation: Battery Park Landfill, Downtown Manhattan”. Denes’ project was a two acre wheatfield planted in Battery Park as a part of an international art show against world hunger. This image is shot from a low angle facing up the golden wheat covering the bottom of the frame as the farmer sits in a tractor harvesting the grain. Behind the farmer is the backdrop of the enormous Twin Towers dwarfing the city skyline, the farmer, and wheatfield. Denes stated that the idea was to be “an intrusion of the country into the metropolis, the world’s largest real estate”. To me this is a perfect description of how this image feels, like an intrusion. It’s so unusual to see a wheatfield in the same image as the NYC skyline that it almost feels photoshopped onto a photo of lower Manhattan. At the time, the project challenged conventional ideas about how urban land should be used, particularly by introducing agriculture into an urban landscape increasingly associated with concrete, real estate, and financial power.
The most striking part of the image is the twin towers, they are dead center and take up most of the image. As they were in real life they dominate the image and catch the viewers attention. They are positioned directly above the farmer on his tractor and the farmer’s gaze is dead straight, almost looking down, completely ignoring the enormous structure. This aspect of the image is reflective of many NYers attitudes towards this political motion towards global commerce that it was irrelevant to their everyday lives, the farmer just needs to farm to meet his basic needs. Although the towers loom over him, the farmer appears entirely unconcerned with their presence. The farmer’s gaze remains directed forward as he focuses on harvesting the wheat. This contrast suggests two entirely different sets of priorities. The towers represent wealth, global commerce, corporate power, and the growing importance of financial development, while the farmer represents the more immediate concerns of producing food, sustaining oneself, and making productive use of the land. He is not concerned with the enormous structures looming behind him; his attention is directed toward the ground and the work necessary to sustain life.
I believe this contrast to be a commentary on class and the competing priorities within American society. While some measure progress through economic growth, wealth, and development, others are more concerned with meeting basic needs and improving the conditions of their immediate communities. The photograph challenges the perceived separation between urban and rural environments. It almost feels unusual to see a wheatfield in Manhattan because agriculture is generally understood as something that exists outside the city, far removed from commerce and industry. New York City is famously referred to as a “concrete jungle,” defined by steel, buildings, and dense development. Yet Denes asks us to consider why food production and agriculture have become so disconnected from our understanding of urban life. Why does the presence of a wheatfield in Manhattan seem so unnatural? Why have we come to imagine cities as places where food is consumed but never produced?
Another key aspect of this photo is the garbage pile in the back left just above the wheatfields. This art exhibition was done atop of a massive landfill in battery park and it’s almost unseen in the photo unless you look at that one spot. I find this particularly significant because the photographer could have framed it in a way that completely excluded the garbage. Denes could have presented the wheatfield as an isolated image of nature within the city. Instead, the presence of the landfill reminds the viewer of the history of the land itself and the relationship between urban development, consumption, and waste. The juxtaposition of the golden wheat and the garbage also creates a striking visual contrast that suggests to the viewer that there are alternative ways to transform neglected urban space. Alternatives that promote regeneration and benefit people in their immediate communities.
The photograph also takes on additional meaning when considered through the events of September 11, 2001, and the destruction of the Twin Towers. Although this was not part of Denes’s original intention, their eventual absence adds another layer to the image’s questions about power, permanence, and priorities. These towers once symbolized the United States economic dominance and its position within global commerce, while the wheatfield represented an alternative vision centered on food, land, and basic human needs. The image invites us to reconsider what society chooses to build, protect, and prioritize. Ultimately it wants us to question how we conceive of cities and our visions for their future. Overall, this image illustrates two contrasting political visions of the city: one towards economic growth, and development and another for improving the conditions of the immediate community.
The image is fundamentally a political statement, about growth, capitalism, development, hunger, decay, food, land and so much more. It illustrates the questions that many residents were having about land use, who controls it? for what purpose? and who does it serve? The city was still recovering from the financial crisis and now beginning to envision its future, some saw it as an economic center of the globe, and others saw its transformation from concrete to compost.The former being a vision of a city where gardens are teeming with food and people like the farmer, where land is used for the benefit of its immediate community. Many on the Lower East Side were enacting this vision as was reflected in Denes’ exhibition, the gardening movement was growing, they were taking over empty plots and enacting the society they envisioned.
(1) C. Haberman , and L. Johnston. “NEW YORK DAY by DAY.” The New York Times, August 2, 1982. https://www.nytimes.com/1982/08/02/nyregion/new-york-day-by-day-057239.html.
