A Split City: The Destruction of the South Bronx

Introduction:

            Lillian Edelstein was a resident of the East Tremont neighborhood in the south Bronx until 1952. Herself, along with almost 60,000 other people were evicted from their homes following the beginning of the construction for the Cross Bronx Expressway. This 6 mile long highway passed straight through the south Bronx, disregarding homes and business that stood in its path. The solution for the 1,500 families and multiple businesses that had established themselves there was simple; remove them and tear down whatever was there.[1] Many, including Edelstein, who worked with an organization called the East Tremont Neighborhood Association, attempted to fight back against the government and those responsible for the construction of the expressway, and therefore responsible for their eviction, but were unsuccessful. There was no fighting back against the start of infrastructure in New York City after World War Two.

            The Cross Bronx Expressway is an important piece of infrastructure in the New York metropolitan area. It was built to handle a high volume of cars to avoid travel through Manhattan and created a more direct from New Jersey to New York. While making commuter lives easier, it inconvenienced the lives of thousands in the Bronx. Around 60,000 were forced to relocate from 1948 to 1972 when the expressway was being built. Robert Moses was an infrastructure spearhead of his time, as he is credited with the construction of many major highways, bridges, and tunnels in the area. However, there is a common trend of the areas where these things are built being heavily concentrated with minorities. This is not a coincidence, the construction in the area and the concentration of minorities in the area. The practice of redlining was common during the rise of suburbs and many minorities were pushed into cities with cheaper rent, due to their inability to obtain a mortgage to purchase a home.[2] However, this did not mean that the cities were not thriving neighborhoods with businesses and culture of their own.

What were the effects of the people in the neighborhood? What inequalities came from the construction of the expressway, both environmental and social? What practices and precedents were in place that the mass eviction of 60,000 was able to happen? How did business suffer due to the expressway? What did the residents do to fight back and how well did with work? The construction of the Cross Bronx Expressway and the State of New York’s use of eminent domain caused immense damage to the minority communities that run along the expressway culturally, physically and economically.

            The conversation surrounding the Cross Bronx Expressway is almost always centered around one man, Robert Moses. He is attributed for building up New York City and making the commute in and around the city what it is today. However, I would like to stray away from Moses and focus on other aspects of the Cross Bronx Expressway’s conception. There is not much literature and research on the people who lived in the South Bronx at the time and what their culture was like. The South Bronx is known for having a large population of immigrants and Americans, specifically African and Jewish Americans who flooded into the area during World War II. They established a community and culture, that was seen as thriving by other communities.

            Throughout this paper, backed by research I will dissect the construction of the Cross Bronx Expressway through a legal lens. The culture that was previously established and how it was harmed. It is also important to explore how the neighborhoods attempting to protest the construction and why their efforts were not successful.  Through exploring the usage of eminent domain by the state of New York and the effects of it on the people of the South Bronx, this will explain how the construction was able to occur legally and what it did to the businesses and communities that resided there.

Background:

            In the 1940s there was an influx of minorities, such as black and Jewish families, moving in New York City, specifically to the South Bronx area. Many of those who migrated came from Harlem and they were leaving to find a better living conditions. Harlem had been on a steady decline since the end of World War I with an overcrowding problem. Coupled with a lack of parks and other outdoor recreation areas there was a want for a change. While those who stayed tried to provide other solutions, many saw the South Bronx as a step up from Harlem. The houses and apartments in the South Bronx were built post Tenement Housing Laws meaning the quality and standards for the buildings were far greater than those in other parts of the city. The South Bronx seemed like a haven of better housing, better environment, and even a better education compared to other parts of New York City.[3]

In 1945 Robert Moses present plans for the Cross Bronx Expressway, marking the start of change to the South Bronx. This was not only a start of a boom of infrastructure in New York City, but nationwide as the Cross Bronx Expressway was one of the first to be constructed.[4] The multimillion-dollar expressway was funded 40% by the state and 60% by the federal government.[5] It was almost expected that New York be at the forefront of the national move to build more roads and highways, one journalist for the New York Times Arthur S. Hodgkiss wrote “New York, as it should, leads in development of such a system”[6]

Following the end of World War II, the lack of access between states, and cities felt more of nuisance to the nation than previously. [7] While there was a shift in population in New York City, there was also a shift outside of cities. Suburban life appealed to many people who no longer desired to live in the city. Despite living in the suburbs, many who left the city still worked causing a need for more transportation routes. The location chosen for the expressway was straight through the South Bronx, disrupting multiple neighborhoods along the way. Thousands of people were displaced, roads were torn, whatever was in the path of construction was destructed.[8]

Figure 1

In the center of the image there’s a valley filled with construction equipment and piles of debris. It looks like any other construction site at first glance, there’s cranes in the background, and what looks to be pallets on the floor. On either side of the valley there is a row of buildings but in the center, there is none, one would think there were never any there. However, there were just as many buildings where there was construction. The people who lived there for years, established a home and a community in this area were evicted. The image is not showing progression but a torn neighborhood, split down the middle to make way for a highway. There is an emphasis on the importance of commuting through a neighborhood rather than the neighborhood itself.

The Legal Issues of Land Seizure:

            Eminent domain is the legal act of the government seizing land from citizens, it is not optional and is forced upon those occupying any land the government deems they need. Although the relinquishing of land is involuntary, landowners are provided with compensation. The power to use eminent domain is not reserved only for federal use, states can also use eminent domain.[9]  The state of New York exercised their right to use eminent domain when they executed mass evictions for the construction of the Cross Bronx Expressway.

            Not only were renters and homeowners affected by eminent domain but so were business owners. When walking through New York City, in any borough most business’ you’ll see are on the ground level of a building. In the case of Tinnerholm v. State of New York a business owner was renting the space of his diner in a building that was seized by the government. Due to him only being a tenant, none of the money the landlord was given by the government for the building was not given to the tenant, despite them being a business owner. Tinnerholm had also made modifications and fixes to the building during their time as a lessee. To get compensation for both things, they had to sue the State of New York, which is not an ideal situation for anyone who just lost their business. Fortunately, some of Tinnerholm’s claims were granted by the courts even though it was not in his lease.[10]

East Tremont Neighborhood Association’s Fight:

            Combatting injustices is something that can bring a community together. In the case of East Tremont, located in the South Bronx there was an organization formed called the East Tremont Neighborhood Association (ETNA). It was formed as a political non-government organization, as way to give a voice to the people of East Tremont if they were to be faced with any governmental imposed injustices.[11] One member of ETNA who was a standout in during the fight against the Cross Bronx Expressway was a woman named Lillian Edelstein. She was a Jewish woman who lived with her family before they were forced from their home. Through this struggle she joined ETNA and worked hard to become a leader within the organization.[12]

            Edelstein wrote an affidavit detailing her experience, from the start of her journey to her fight. One issue she presented the relocation help that was not provided by the State of New York following her eviction, or lack thereof. “What we found was that families were not taken care of as Moses had promised. People were shown poor alternatives that were not even comparable to the quality of their old homes but that still cost as much as twice their old apartments.”[13] Not only were people being forcibly removed from their homes, but they were not receiving help from the government that seized their land into a new home. There was only compensation for those who lost their homes, not adequate compensation.

            An important part of keeping her community together was the cultural and religious aspect. Edelstein is Jewish and her community and neighbors provided a comfort that is not easier to find. She said “We still could afford to live comfortably in a neighborhood full of Jewish families that shared our culture, language, and experiences.”[14] There was a lifestyle that was ripped away from the people who lived there. The expressway not only destroyed homes but also the damaged the culture that had been long established by the people who lived there.

            ETNA was not only about preserving the homes of the people in the neighborhood but preserving the neighborhood. The “public welfare” that people like Lillian Edelstein fought for was the welfare of the community. No one wants to see their homes destroyed, but to lose the neighbors you have grown accustomed too is also damaging. The people of East Tremont were so worried about losing East Tremont as they knew it, they pushed and protested the government’s seizure of their homes. Unfortunately, even after fighting for five years, they did not succeed in their fight and were still forced to relocate. The Board of Estimates, the city officials that vote on land seizure, were just as united as ETNA and voted unanimously against the people.[15]

Health Impacts of the Expressway:

            There are several pollutants that come from construction that can seriously harm the health of those who live near it. Not only was the South Bronx a construction site for 15 years, but it then became a roadway inviting more pollutants into the atmosphere.[16]  Early in the start of the construction of the Cross Bronx expressway started with the collapsing of a brick chimney. To fell the chimney properly, kerosene had to be used to burn the structure down emitting fumes and smoke as well as the dust that settled from the collapsing of the chimney.[17] When inhaled dust can irritate airways and cause a host of breathing issues. Prolonged exposure to these pollutants can have lasting health effects[18]

            The dust and pollution from the construction were not just outside in the atmosphere, they would be blown into home and settled there creating an aura of filth. Lillian Edelstein described her neighbors’ homes as “deplorable conditions” and said they were forced to breath in “dirty, soot-filled air”[19] Present day there is still air quality issues in the South Bronx stemming from the expressway. Hospitalizations of young children are significantly greater in the South Bronx for cases citing issues with asthma.[20]

  Figure 2

            Above is a graph of data from the neighborhoods surrounding the expressway. The graph shows data from present day, showing the amount of traffic, diesel particulate matter which is emitted from the exhaust of truck, and air toxicity. All these levels are above the 70^th national percentile in their respective categories. There is a clear correlation between the traffic density and the presence of diesel and other air toxicities.

The expressway has caused health issues from the time of its conception up until now. The demographics of the area also primarily minorities, a conclusion could be made that the heavy minority population is the reason for the lack of care for the health concerns that stemmed from the expressway.

Conclusion:

             The Cross Bronx Expressway is a staple in interstate commuting in New York and New Jersey. There is no denying the positive impact is has had for those who travel for work or leisure; however, the negative impact is has on the community it lies in cannot be ignored either. The moment the plans for the expressway were made, there was a disregard for the residents of the South Bronx. There were 60,000 people essentially displaced, and some not properly compensated with housing. While the State of New York was able to be at the forefront of innovation and the progression of infrastructure, their residents were suffering. Not just residents but also business owners as well faced issues stemming from the expressway.

            Present day those who live near the expressway still face inequalities, specifically environmental. There’s an increased number of those who suffer from asthma in the area as well as noise pollution from all the cars. The expressway was built to hold 1,200 cars every hour, so on average, not including increased traffic throughout the years, those who live by the expressway have to deal with emissions and increased noise from 28,800 cars a day. There has not been a clear solution implemented by the city to help combat these issues, however there are talks of capping the expressway to create more space for the residents.

[1] Affidavit of Lillian Edelstein

[2] Vizzard, Kelsey, “Redlining the Green: Environmental Racism and Justice in the Bronx” (2015). Student Theses 2015-Present. 12. https://fordham.bepress.com/environ_2015/12

[3] DuBose-Simons, Carla J. “Movin’ on Up: African Americans in the South Bronx in the 1940s.” New York History 95, no. 4 (2014): 543–57. http://www.jstor.org/stable/newyorkhist.95.4.543.

[4] Caratzas, Michael. “Past Meets Futurism Along the Cross-Bronx: Preserving a Significant Urban Expressway.” Future Anterior: Journal of Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism 1, no. 1 (2004): 25–35. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25834928.

[5] Joseph C. Ingraham, “East Bronx to get an Elevated Road,” The New York Times, 11February, 1955,

[6] Arthur S. Hodgkiss, “Parkways for the City,” The New York Times, 9 March, 1952,

[7] Caratzas, Michael. “Past Meets Futurism Along the Cross-Bronx: Preserving a Significant Urban Expressway.” Future Anterior: Journal of Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism 1, no. 1 (2004): 25–35.

[8] Berkley, Sarah, “Recognizing Environmental Justice in History: Resistance and Agency in the Cross Bronx Expressway and the Memphis Sanitation Workers’ Strike” (2011). History Honors Papers. 7. http://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/histhp/7

[9] Munch, Patricia. “An Economic Analysis of Eminent Domain.” Journal of Political Economy 84, no. 3 (1976): 473–97. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1829865.

[10] Tinnerholm v. State, 15 Misc. 2d 311, 179 N.Y.S.2d 582, 1958 N.Y. Misc. LEXIS 2410 (Court of Claims of New York November 3, 1958). https://advance.lexis.com/api/document?collection=cases&id=urn:contentItem:3RRS-D720-003C-D170-00000-00&context=1516831.

[11] MULLER, JOHN ALFRED. 1971. “COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION, NEIGHBORHOOD REDEVELOPMENT, AND LOCAL POLITICS: THE EAST TREMONT NEIGHBORHOOD ASSOCIATION, 1954-1965.” Order No. 7126986, Fordham University. https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/community-organization-neighborhood-redevelopment/docview/302608475/se-2.

[12] Affidavit of Lillian Edelstein

[13] Affidavit of Lillian Edelstein

[14] Affidavit of Lillian Edelstein

[15] “Bronx residents lost road fight.” The New York Times, 3 December, 1954,

[16] Caratzas, Michael. “Past Meets Futurism Along the Cross-Bronx: Preserving a Significant Urban Expressway.” Future Anterior: Journal of Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism 1, no. 1 (2004): 25–35.

[17] Patrick A. Burns, “Chimney in Bronx Eased to Fall by Burning Out its Foundation,” The New York Times, 19 October, 1956, 29.

[18] Spira-Cohen, Ariel, Lung Chi Chen, Michaela Kendall, Ramona Lall, and George D. Thurston. “Personal Exposures to Traffic-Related Air Pollution and Acute Respiratory Health among Bronx Schoolchildren with Asthma.” Environmental Health Perspectives 119, no. 4 (2011): 559–65. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41203269.

[19] Affidavit of Lillian Edelstein

[20] Spira-Cohen, Ariel, Lung Chi Chen, Michaela Kendall, Ramona Lall, and George D. Thurston. “Personal Exposures to Traffic-Related Air Pollution and Acute Respiratory Health among Bronx Schoolchildren with Asthma.” Environmental Health Perspectives 119, no. 4 (2011): 559–65.

Primary Sources: