Introduction

It’s the last week of March 2023 and you’re gliding past Rensselaer toward Albany on Interstate 787. On your right you start to catch sight of a smooth green billboard peeking out over a troupe of gray trees still barren from the winter. The abundant greenness of the sign draws your eye as you get closer. You glimpse at the balanced poise of a giant hand rising from the sign’s bottom right corner, and discover the wind turbines and solar panels neatly cradled in its palm. The statement stretching out on the rest of the billboard reads, “More New Yorkers want to Build Public Renewables than voted for Kathy Hochul.” 1 If you are driving to Albany, chances are you know exactly who Hochul is. You wonder, why is the governor of New York being called out? 

You make a mental note of the phrase, “Build Public Renewables”, underlined and in bright yellow text, illuminating under a glowing yellow dot of sun, clearly the point of contention between Hochul and whoever made this billboard. Unless you keep up with energy politics, you probably haven’t heard of that phrase before. Building renewable energy sounds familiar enough, a call that has been loud and clear from environmental activists. But public? This might be more than your average environmental campaign. The billboard suggests that the idea of public renewables is highly popular with New Yorkers, more popular than Hochul. You aren’t sure how Hochul feels about public renewables but it seems like if she doesn’t support it, there could be some tension here. There’s something teasing about the wording. Are they implying that Hochul’s seat in power could be threatened, that she could be voted out by these supporters of public renewables? 

A month later, the billboard’s confrontational message had clearly worked, Hochul passed the Build Public Renewables Act (BPRA) with a majority of its original language in New York State’s annual budget. The BPRA is a huge milestone in environmental policy across the country and an incredible victory for the NYC chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the key organization behind the bill. The billboard was one of DSA’s final strategies in a four year long campaign that ran ads, town halls, rallies and more. The BPRA establishes a plan for NY to build renewable energy but importantly, through public rather than privately owned projects. 2

In the immediate aftermath of the victory, progressive, environmental, and socialist3 magazines wrote headliner articles4 that cover the many aspects of the BPRA bill, importantly its green union jobs program and discounted utility rates, while giving kudos to the ecosocialist vision at the center of the campaign. These articles5 focus more on the later stages of the BPRA campaign and the strategies to pressure people in power that eventually led to its success.6 I am interested in focusing on the earlier stages of the campaign. The articles celebrate that the BPRA campaign brought economic issues and environmental issues together but many climate organizations like Sunrise Movement and Climate Justice Alliance have made connections between economic concerns and environmental ones. I am interested in further charting what makes the BPRA campaign stand out from other climate campaigns. 

I argue that the BPRA campaign succeeded because DSA organizers not only brought economic and environmental issues together but they fought for economic issues first, and then environmental issues. This chronology was important for grounding the campaign in the struggles that affect marginalized neighborhoods and working class New Yorkers in their day to day lives. If the campaign had tried to fully tie economic and environmental issues from the start, it would not have been as well-received. My project considers the following questions: As people deal with a rising cost of living on multiple fronts, is it necessary for climate campaigns that aim to build mass movements, to only crystallize after existing as economic relief campaigns? Is it better for organizations that can adapt, can make detours, and have the chops to organize around various issues to take on climate organizing? What is the role of political education and messaging in turning an economic campaign into a bold eco-socialist campaign? 

I begin my study by first providing a brief background on public power history in the United States and ecosocialism as defined by the DSA. Then I examine how BPRA organizers first sprung into action around the economic issues in their neighborhoods. I explore how BPRA organizers pivoted their campaign to a vision for publicly owned renewable energy that targets private profit motives as the reason for both economic and environmental inequities. How did the organizers make that turn? To answer that question I will analyze the political education, town halls, and messaging that steadily propelled the environmental turn of the campaign while not losing the fundamental economic message. I will conclude by considering how future climate campaigns can use the BPRA campaign as a model for making climate a popular mass movement. 

I approach this paper by synthesizing public writings, social media communications, and videos created both during the course of the BPRA campaign and after its success. I also draw from a broader study of DSA as an organization from the public platform of the organization, and reaffirmed by my own experiences. I thread DSA’s current call for public power with a larger history of public power campaigns in the US. To situate DSA’s approach to environmental organizing in comparison to other climate focused orgs, I reaffirm my research with my experience in the US climate movement since 2019.

Ecosocialism Then & Now 

A local election poster in 1937 in Reading, Pennsylvania, promoting the creation of a municipal power plant.9

Publicly owned power is not a new idea, in fact, the first public municipal owned power utility began in 1880 in Wabash, Indiana. Wabash’s City Council decided to own its electric system instead of franchising a private company to administer it. Publicly owned power was very common until private companies more aggressively began to stake their claim for ownership as privatization became a more common thread across industries7. Infamously, JP Morgan merged all of the gas companies in New York to create “Consolidated Gas”, a for-profit gas company that charged New Yorkers huge markups on their utilities. 8Then, Franklin D. Roosevelt, using his mantle as president, described “the right of people to own and operate their own utility”9 as a protection against the greed of private utility companies. Even then, the private business lobby claimed Roosevelt’s vision was too socialist. Regardless, FDR was successful in turning the tide towards public power once more, creating the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) at a time where he felt economic relief and job opportunities were much needed. Government investment in the TVA allowed for a bold creative program for building the largest hydropower utility with a goal of flood control and reforestation. Removing the profit incentive, allowed for new priorities and needs to be valued. Unfortunately private utilities as both generators and distributors of energy are almost hegemonic today. However, the TVA still exists as a pillar of public power, providing energy for millions of people while practicing environmental stewardship of public lands.10 

Today, the DSA, with over 100,000 members nationally and chapters in every state, organizes for immigrant justice, anti-war movements, union power, Medicare4All, and a Green New Deal. DSA grounds its fight for ecosocialism in its broader vision that working people should “run both the economy and society democratically to meet human needs, not to make profits for a few”. The issues of the JP Morgan era have not changed. Consolidated Gas is now Con Edison, the private utility company of New York, that has lobbied against renewable energy options because staying with fossil fuels is more profitable for them.10 Today public power is not a central tenet of the broader environmental movement, but certain DSA chapters and local groups have been resurfacing this demand as an important ecosocialist intervention in the call for renewable energy. Today’s fight for public power is grounded in a powerful history that has always prioritized economic relief first as a pathway to environmental programs.  

The Economics 

“Without the light, you don’t have access to anything really,” says Ashley, a Black mom and resident of East Flatbush. She is sitting out on her porch in a tank top and you can feel the heat of the summer night buzzing through the screen as you watch her interview. Ashley is talking about a blackout that has gone on for more than 8 hours in her neighborhood for the 2nd time in 3 weeks.11 It’s the summer of 2020, and both East Flatbush and East Bronx have borne the brunt of energy grid failures worsened by summer storms and heat waves. In times of grid overload, Con Edison has to choose certain neighborhoods to blackout in order to prevent massive outages. Rich neighborhoods and tourist hotbeds like Times Square with its glimmering billboards were kept running, while East Flatbush, East Bronx, and Canarsie were cut off.12 

DSA members did video interviews with over 10 residents of these neighborhoods, talking to people about the blackouts. The interviewers asked how the blackouts affected their day, if any of their food and medication went bad, and how they felt about ConEdison. Almost everyone had their food, fresh produce, and meats spoiled due to their refrigerators being shut off. Others spoke about being unable to plug in health equipment for elderly family members, which was vital especially during the height of the COVID pandemic.13 One woman expressed needing to get a hotel for a family every time there was a blackout. Almost all expressed disappointment with Con Edison’s lack of reliability.14  

At this point in time, NYC DSA members had formed an ecosocialist working group that was already starting to ideate around a campaign for public power, voting to make it a priority in 2019.15 While the DSA did set this goal to organize for public renewable power, they took long detours to get there, to focus on analyzing the economic issues affecting people in regards to utility companies. I argue that these early detours in the campaign were a vital part of building a stronger, more popular movement. 

In March of 2020, NYC DSA ecosocialists along with their broader chapter, organized successfully to demand a moratorium on utility shut offs, in coalition with other organizations.16 By 2018, nearly a 3rd of US households had reported having trouble paying their energy bills, with ½ of those people identifying as Black, and 30% identifying as Latino. 1 in 5 households reported going without food, medicine, and other needs to pay their utility bills. Many people were not using heat or air conditioning, even in unsafe temperatures, in order to save money.17 This economic insecurity was only exacerbated during the COVID pandemic, causing economic inequalities to deepen. 

DSA organizers started to demand that Con Edison use their record breaking profit in 2020 towards canceling utility debt.18 They worked with housing organizers to advocate for rent strikes and utility strikes as part of a pressure campaign to demand Governor Cuomo and Con Edison to provide relief for working people. DSA ecosocialists continued to agitate around a clear message: New York’s private utility company was putting marginalized communities at risk of blackouts while raising their utility bills, and not even changing course during a national crisis. Private utility companies were not going to change, their priority would always be profit. 

As the summer of 2020 brought an important movement for racial justice, DSA organizers shifted their priorities to participating in mass protest, while continuing to canvas, hold town halls, and hear concerns about utility rates and blackouts. During this time, the Wall Street Journal had published an article citing that public utility companies across the country were more reliable than private ones.19 Public disapproval of Con Edison’s rate hikes and power grid blackouts was becoming a clear and popular narrative, even taken up by more mainstream news networks. 

DSA was starting to put out content about “Public Power”20 rather than public renewables or any other variation. Public power as a term focused people towards the concrete political theory behind the campaign: that private ownership of utilities was not working for people’s needs but rather against them. 

In August of 2020, DSA ecosocialists paired up with housing organizers to march to “Cancel Rent and demand Public Power”.21 Hundreds of people took over Livingston Street in Brooklyn to march to Con Edison’s office, wearing masks to protect each other from spreading COVID , protest leaders led chants oscillating between “Hey Hey, Ho Ho, Con Ed has got to go!” and “What do we want? CANCEL RENT! When do we want it? NOW!”22. Public Power was clearly a movement for people fed up with the stresses of utility and rent burden to organize around their frustration. It was also clear that the bill DSA organizers were forumalating would center language around discounted utility rates for all. All of this work was important for both creating a mass consensus around the need for public ownership of our utilities over private, and for DSA organizers to ground their vision in the everyday concerns people had. 

Environmental Turn & Political Education 

Now that DSA’s ecosocialists were starting to build community and even hold rallies, they needed to make it clear that capitalism was the reason for Con Edison’s commitment to both high utility rates and fossil fuels. Further, they needed to unite people to support their now drafted, BPRA bill. 

While canvassing and holding town halls, DSA organizers had been working with the AFL-CIO, a national labor union, and environmental coalitions, to form a statewide group called Public Power New York (PPNY). This coalition co-created what became the Build Public Renewables Act, a multi layered bill that outlines exactly the process with which public power would be possible. Organizers had decided to orient their bill around the New York Power Authority (NYPA), an existing public power utility created by FDR that had been barred from actually taking on projects, to empower it to be in charge of renewable energy projects.23 The bill called for the shutdown of 6 harmful peaker plants in margninalized neighborhoods, gold standard labor law for energy workers to transition into unionized renewable energy jobs, discounted utility rates for all, and for our energy to be publicly and democratically generated. While ideas had been thrown around to call for a second bill that would make Con Edison, a utility distributor also publicly owned, coalitional organizers decided to first cohere around the BPRA and intervene in the generation of energy first. 24 

But if this was going to be a statewide campaign, they would need to organize across the state to popularize their platform and educate people on how the current energy system was failing. I argue that political education was an important aspect of the campaign’s ability to connect Con Edison’s lack of reliability, its rate hikes, and blackouts, with the fight for renewable energy now. BPRA campaign’s political education, messaging, and communications was able to incorporate environmental justice ideas and history while maintaining the underlying economic issues at play. 

Prioritizing education also helps clarify the precedence for this campaign. Many of us do not know our country’s public power history. Learning about it makes the idea of changing our energy utility public seems more possible. There are over 2,000 towns in the United States that still do have public municipal utilities, with statistically cheaper rates than private utilities.24 

Some parts of the state were more than clear on the intersecting harms of private utility companies. The people of Astoria and the Bronx have long termed their neighborhoods, “Asthma Alley” in reference to the harmful air pollution from Con Edison’s peaker plants that run right near their homes. Sebastian Baez grew up right off the Triborough Bridge, a mile and half from a peaker plant. Sebastian shares his story via a video interview with DSA, recounting his childhood soccer games in the shadow of all of that pollution, causing him and his peers to develop asthma.25 No one in these neighborhoods is a stranger to the harm fossil fuels perpetuate in their daily lives, and the reality that they are footing the bill as utility customers.26 The BPRA bill mandates the closure of 6 Con Edison peaker plants by 2030.27 But untangling the deeper reality of these contradictions requires an understanding of how energy works, why Con Edison is disincentivized from changing their energy grid, and New York climate law history. 

The campaign produced a regular ”Public Power Hour” and “Energy 101 Orientation” featuring guest speakers to easily communicate the various moving parts of New York’s energy history. One important piece of information was that New York had passed a climate bill in 2019 mandating the state to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 40% by 2030, and 85% by 2050.28 DSA organizers pointed out that under the current system, private companies would be tasked with this roll out of solar and wind energy, yet they were failing to meet these timelines. The reason for the stall? Profit. “If the transition to green energy has to wait for an entire industry to determine whether it can make a profit on every single solar panel or wind turbine, we could be waiting far too long.” Under private industry’s profit motive, endless resources like wind and solar would be treated like scarce commodities.29 Therefore, public power is not just an ecosocialist spin but the only way that New York could actually meet the climate goals it already committed to.   

Organizers also brought their political messaging to the streets. In the summer of 2021, DSA activists protested politicians who were refusing to support the BPRA by holding up signs that depict their faces on Venmo graphics, showing all of the fossil fuel money they receive. Using public records to follow the fossil fuel industry’s money trail to both Con Edison and status quo politicians, made it undeniable that capitalism was keeping New York from a real renewable energy rollout.30 

Ultimately, this political education geared the campaign’s ability to elect Sarahana Shresta, a DSA member in Mid-Hudson Valley in upstate New York, whose platform was almost entirely about public power and the BPRA bill. Shrestha made clear her support as opposed to her opponent, Kevin Cahill’s lack of support for public power. As we’ve seen in most national and state level elections, economic issues or “bread and butter issues” are understood as the most important priorities for prospective voters. DSA canvassers clear framing of the need for public power resonated with people. In an interview, Shrestha says, “People are realizing that they will never be able to hold a corporate monopoly accountable…When I say that the energy system should exist to serve people, that energy should be like water, people instantly get it…they instantly get that this is something we need for our survival, for our quality of life.” 31 The implications of Shrestha’s win are profound- public power was not only popular but winnable. Democrats and Republicans alike took note of this popularity, it made them realize that they might need to get on board with the BPRA if they wanted reelection. 

I argue that it is rare for an environmental policy bill like the BPRA to have garned such popular support, especially at a statewide level. BPRA organizers were able to bring the energy and frustration at the heart of their early economic relief campaigns toward a major ecosocialist win using a sharp unified message. This message is best articulated by Zohran Mamdani, a DSA socialist elected to New York state assemby: “We need an energy system that treats energy as it is: a public good, and prioritizes people and the planet over the profit of wall street investors.”31 

Conclusion 

My project is meant to be in conversation with environmental activists, like myself, who have long been wanting climate action that matches the urgency of the climate crisis. As natural disasters become more commonplace and summer heat waves become more deadly, it can only feel despairing to know we have no government plan to call this crisis a crisis. However, using the BPRA campaign as a model, I advocate that starting with campaigns for economic relief might actually fast-track our climate campaigns. For massive change, we need to make climate a popular movement for all, that inspires the possibility of near victories rather than far, and the possibility that a green economy won’t just continue to codify the economic inequities in our current economy. 

Energy affects all of life-it keeps the lights on at work, keeps our trains running on our commute, keeps the lights on at home, powers our internet to create global economies, keeps our food fresh, provides both heat and air conditioning when the temperatures outside are extreme. Our economic concerns are one in the same with our environmental concerns and we can win big on climate when we address the root issue: profit over people and the planet. 

The BPRA campaign is a good model for experimenting with a new climate movement that builds from the past-one that threatens to take away the private designation of corporate powers that run so many of our services if they don’t both meet economic and environmental demands. In the same vein, BPRA’s ecosocialists threaten to take away the seats of electeds who stand in the way of public power, by running their own socialist candidates against them32. 

Climate organizations have called for climate strikes, phaseout of Fossil Fuels33, and the cancellation of new fossil fuel projects, but few have been able to make climate organizing a serious project for economic relief. The Green New Deal34, which many thinkers have described the BPRA as a statewide model for, is of course interested in not just passing climate laws but a just transition, affording relief to workers and people as we transform the economy to lean off fossil fuels. However, actually convincing our neighbors and our coworkers that we can achieve such relief for working people is the task ahead. Making climate a popular movement, not just in name, requires a serious commitment to economic relief first.  

Endnotes

1. Sheridan, Johan. 2023. “Billboard on 787 Roasts Hochul over BPRA.” NEWS10 ABC. March 22, 2023. https://www.news10.com/news/ny-capitol-news/kathy-hochul/billboard-on-787-roasts-hochul-over-bpra/.
2. Hu, Akielly. 2023. “After a Four-Year Campaign, New York Says Yes to Publicly Owned Renewables.” Grist. May 4, 2023. https://grist.org/energy/after-a-four-year-campaign-new-york-says-yes-to-publicly-owned-renewables-strong/.
3. Wang, Lawrence. 2023. “In New York State, Socialists Have Won a Landmark Victory for Green Jobs and Clean Public Power.” Jacobin.com. July 9, 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/new-york-bpra-green-new-deal-public-renewable-energy.
4. Taiwo, Olufemi. 2023. “You Can Win Bold Climate Laws in Your State.” Hammer & Hope. 2023. https://hammerandhope.org/article/climate-public-power-new-york.
5. Featherstone, Liza. 2023. “New York Socialists Won Big on Climate. How Did It Happen?” In These Times. in-these-times. September 12, 2023. https://inthesetimes.com/article/new-york-build-public-renewables-socialists-climate.
6. Ashley Dawson. 2023. “How to Win a Green New Deal in Your State.” The Nation. May 11, 2023. https://www.thenation.com/article/environment/dsa-new-york-build-public-renewables-act/.
7. Patterson, Delia. 2018. “Public Power: A Rich History, a Bright Future | American Public Power Association.” Publicpower.org. February 15, 2018. https://www.publicpower.org/blog/public-power-rich-history-bright-future. 
8. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2021. “Why New York Needs Public Power.” YouTube. May 27, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vRaX-LSjVUM.
9. r/PropagandaPosters. 2020. “‘Vote the Socialist Ticket and Let the People Own the Light. Keep the Profit.’ – 1937 Local Election Poster Promoting the Building of a Municipal Power Plant in Reading, Pennsylvania.” Reddit. 2020. https://www.reddit.com/r/PropagandaPosters/comments/fpgmbz/vote_the_socialist_ticket_and_let_the_people_own/.
10. Magazine, Smithsonian, and Kat Eschner. 2017. “Here’s How FDR Explained Making Electricity Public.” Smithsonian Magazine. May 18, 2017. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/heres-how-fdr-explained-making-electricity-public-180963286/.

10.Tennessee Valley Authority. n.d. “TVA.” TVA.com. https://www.tva.com/.

10. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2021. “Why New York Needs Public Power.” YouTube. May 27, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vRaX-LSjVUM.
11. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2020. “NYC-DSA Ecosocialists Interview East Flashbush Residents about the Con Edison Blackouts.” YouTube. August 7, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RAFaJGPM5f8.
12. Featherstone, Liza. 2023. “New York Socialists Won Big on Climate. How Did It Happen?” In These Times. in-these-times. September 12, 2023. https://inthesetimes.com/article/new-york-build-public-renewables-socialists-climate.
13. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2020. “NYC-DSA Ecosocialists Interviews East Bronx Residents about Con Edison Power Outages.” YouTube. September 9, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-PXGULjtarY.
14. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2020. “NYC-DSA Ecosocialists Interviews East Bronx Residents about Con Edison Power Outages.” YouTube. September 9, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-PXGULjtarY.
15. Democratic Socialists of America. 2023. “BPRA: A Win in the Fight for a Green New Deal.” YouTube. May 23, 2023. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=33JBBwM1P_Q.
16. @nycdsaecosoc. 2020. Instagram. https://www.instagram.com/p/B94w22cnY3U/?igsh=OHEwYWY4OHN3bDlu.
17. Bussewitz, Cathy. 2018. “Report: One-Third of Households Struggle to Pay Energy Bills.” AP News. September 19, 2018. https://apnews.com/national-national-general-news-7c9aa47401664a6aa8914ec3e69e9298.
18. @nycdsaecosoc. 2020b. Instagram. https://www.instagram.com/p/CAVOzvWgpmM/?igsh=Mjl6ODF0cWZ4ZnF3.
19. King, Kate. 2020. “Long Power Outages after Isaias Spark Calls to Overhaul Utilities.” WSJ. The Wall Street Journal. August 19, 2020. https://www.wsj.com/articles/long-power-outages-after-isaias-spark-calls-to-overhaul-utilities-11597858173
20. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2020a. “Public Power Hour: Episode 1 — an Interview with the Authors of ‘a Planet to Win.’” YouTube. May 22, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d-V08b_9HhE.
21. @nycdsaecosoc. 2020. Instagram. https://www.instagram.com/p/CDg9VwNDE3W/?igsh=dnlrM2lrbDI2NXc0.
22. @nycdsecosoc. 2020. Instagram.  https://www.instagram.com/p/CDjVgOwDUND/?igsh=MTFhbXRkbTJtcmRuZg==.
23. Wang, Lawrence. 2023. “In New York State, Socialists Have Won a Landmark Victory for Green Jobs and Clean Public Power.” Jacobin.com. July 9, 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/new-york-bpra-green-new-deal-public-renewable-energy.
24. Wang, Lawrence. 2023. “In New York State, Socialists Have Won a Landmark Victory for Green Jobs and Clean Public Power.” Jacobin.com. July 9, 2023. https://jacobin.com/2023/07/new-york-bpra-green-new-deal-public-renewable-energy. 
25. “Stats and Facts | American Public Power Association.” n.d. Www.publicpower.org. https://www.publicpower.org/public-power/stats-and-facts.
26. NYC Democratic Socialists of America 2021a. “In the Shadow of Fossil Fuels.” YouTube. May 27, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AbFCedvjLbA.
27. “‘Asthma Alley’: Why Minorities Bear Burden of Pollution Inequity Caused by White People.” n.d. SOUTH BRONX UNITE. https://www.southbronxunite.org/press-and-media/asthma-alley-why-minorities-bear-burden-of-pollution-inequity-caused-by-white-people.
28. Ashley Dawson. 2023. “How to Win a Green New Deal in Your State.” The Nation. May 11, 2023. https://www.thenation.com/article/environment/dsa-new-york-build-public-renewables-act/.
29. “LibGuides: Climate Change and Environmental Law Guide: NY State Climate Initiatives.” 2019. Brooklaw.edu. 2019. https://guides.brooklaw.edu/climate/NY_State_climate_initiatives.
30. New York City Democratic Socialists of America. 2019. “🌹⚡Publicpower.nyc – Join the Fight for #PublicPower in New York State!” YouTube. October 1, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ww9dBKXJC5M.
31. Featherstone, Liza. 2023. “New York Socialists Won Big on Climate. How Did It Happen?” In These Times. in-these-times. September 12, 2023. https://inthesetimes.com/article/new-york-build-public-renewables-socialists-climate.

31.Featherstone, Liza. 2022. “Why This N.Y Socialist Is Running on Climate.” The Nation. 2022. June 21, 2022. https://www.thenation.com/article/environment/sarahana-shrestha-interview/.

31. NYC Democratic Socialists of America. 2021b. “Why New York Needs Public Power.” YouTube. May 27, 2021. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vRaX-LSjVUM.
32. Featherstone, Liza. 2023. “New York Socialists Won Big on Climate. How Did It Happen?” In These Times. in-these-times. September 12, 2023. https://inthesetimes.com/article/new-york-build-public-renewables-socialists-climate.
33. “350.org: A Global Campaign to Confront the Climate Crisis.” n.d. 350. https://350.org/?r=US&c=NA.
34. “What Is the Green New Deal?” n.d. Sunrise Movement. https://www.sunrisemovement.org/green-new-deal/.

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