An Exploration of the Salsa Soul Sisters’ Health and Wellness Programming
by Olivia Newsome
Site Description:
This paper will explore how the Salsa Soul Sisters (“Salsa”) combatted environmental racism in New York City through their programmatic endeavors from 1974-1993. Founded in NYC in 1974, Salsa was a Black and Latina lesbian organization that convened on a weekly basis to provide political education, social mixers, health workshops, and other programs that directly centered their worldviews, desires, and challenges as Third World lesbians. I ask the following questions: how does the environment of New York City from the mid seventies to early nineties inform Black lesbian social struggle? How, if at all, did Salsa address the ways NYC’s toxic environment disciplined Black lesbian bodies? The Salsa Soul Sisters’ gatherings highlight the grassroots efforts of Black lesbians whose activism is often overlooked throughout existing scholarship. By applying environmental analyses on gendered and cultured bodies to their organizational practices, I hope to reveal overlooked resistance tactics within Black lesbian social organizing efforts.
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Primary Sources:
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- Citation: Organization Files, October 1976, Salsa Soul Sisters, 1976-1983, Folder 1, page 4: Lesbian Herstory Archives. Link to the page: Organization Files, October 1976, Salsa Soul Sisters, 1976-1983, Folder 1, page 4: Lesbian Herstory Archives..png
The Salsa Soul Sisters produced a newsletter for their organization called the “Gay-Zette” which covered past business, future events, goals, art, and writing from members. This is the second ever newsletter created in October 1976 which covers the mission and purpose of collectivism in Third World women organizing. I argue that Linda Brown, and other Salsa women were creating theories of embodiment. Through body metaphors and collective action, the Salsa women theorized the organization itself as a body with various limbs that came together to actualize their mission.
Salsa women continuously utilized body imagery when writing about their organization. Committees, centralized hubs sustaining the organization conjured metaphorical body concepts. Linda Brown stated that “committees are usually formed to get work done… the exchange of ideas and the total physical and mental energies of all people … are vital… to the completion of a job” (4). Language animates the committee as conceived through the ‘physical’ material structure while the exchange of ideas vitalizes the ‘mind’. Here, they are viewing the organization as a body and their collective strength is only imagined through material imagery. The body appears through the language itself, not just the concept of a governing body as a literal body. Linda Brown wrote about vitality, using life force language when describing how work gets done. This “exchange of ideas” through “physical and mental energies” documents what I reason to be the language of embodiment. Embodiment resists abstract theory by appearing within the mechanics of their organization. This metaphorical organizational body, supported by the committee functioning as a limb, can only be sustained through the combination of material labor and mental energy. Collectivism functions as a deliberate strategy of embodiment deeply grounded in material reality.
While the bodily imagery illustrates the organization’s collective potential from the standpoint of idealized health, the metaphor continues by theorizing what happens when the realities of weakness impact the organization. The body metaphor referenced when discussing their committee structure also directly addresses structural flaws framed as physical weaknesses. When the author, Linda Brown warns that “internal disorganization must be avoided at all costs”, the fear of potential administrative chaos is likened to an autoimmune attack where a single part threatens the survival of the whole (4). The Salsa women address a care plan of sorts that relies on an embodied system of collective labor where they “share[d] governing, organizing, contributing, teaching, learning and working abilities of all the people” which I assert acts as the body’s vital functions keeping the whole alive and, therefore, cohesive. They diagnose their organization with a cure to their administrative disease demanding that “weaknesses must be turned to strengths and strengths to productivity” (4). The cure here is organizational development through continuous collective action almost like physical rehabilitation. Just like when the body sustains an injury, the body builds up the surrounding muscles to compensate for a weakness, the collective absorbs individual limitations they metabolize into productive energy. Through the extended body metaphor of weakness, I assert that the Salsa women view collectivism as a necessary survival mechanism designed to heal and maintain their organizational body.
Through framing the organization as a literal body, the Salsa women literally ground abstract political concepts into material physical actions. The transformation of the organization as a single, corporeal body is interconnected to their devotion to solidarity as a material practice enacted by the movement of the collective members. Salsa Soul Sisters’s embodied collectivism emerges as an intervention for “third world lesbians” in America whose stories are often told by academics only interested in historicizing violent inscriptions of their bodies (4). By centering the physical, mental, and spiritual presence of its members, the collective breathes life into itself, transforming into a living body through re-inscription in which members “contribute to their own future” and “the shaping and strengthening of their own lives” (4). Salsa women actively governed their own bodies demonstrating how Black lesbian women collectively heal themselves.
Sources
- Source Title: Suggested Future Topics
- Citation: Organization Files, circa. 1979; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1976-1983, Folder 1, page 135: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source discusses future topics at their weekly Thursday meetings. One of the suggested topics was “Heath & Nutrition – What’s Available and What are the Alternatives?” (135). This shows that even in their earliest years, they were thinking about food.
- Source Title: Thursday Night Discussion
- Citation: Organization Files, November 7, 1985; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 87: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source discusses an actual topic at a weekly Thursday meeting. The educational workshop was titled “Major Nutrition – Would Like to Discuss what effect food has on you and why a good balance diet is important to your health. Come and see why we eat the way we do” (87). This shows the educational workshop component when dealing with environmental inequalities.
- Source Title: January 1987 Thursday Nite Schedule
- Citation: Organization Files, January 8, 1987; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 115: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source discusses an actual topic at a weekly Thursday meeting. The educational workshop was titled “Nutrition & Good Health Charlotte Hendricks – Facilitator” (115). This is about nutrition and its relationship to “good health”. But what does that mean? The Salsa women here are crafting what being in “good health” entails, which is deeply tied to food.
- Source Title: January Agenda
- Citation: Organization Files, January 5, 1989; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 159: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source discusses an actual topic at a weekly Thursday meeting. The educational workshop was titled “ ‘OA” (Overeaters Anonymous) Do you eat when you are depressed? Do you eat when you are not hungry? Are you burning a hole in your carpet going to the refrigerator? Check out Overeaters Anonymous!” (159). This source discusses something beyond food insecurity which is often how the literature discusses grassroots food activism in New York City by Black women. The workshop’s title encapsulates my entire argument: Salsa women produce embodied exchanges with their environment. I also ask how both the mental and physical dimensions of health impact their sense of total wholeness/wellbeing?
- Source Title: October Agenda
- Citation: Organization Files, October 15, 1989; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 170: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source discusses an actual topic at a weekly Thursday meeting. The educational workshop was titled “Eating for Life – Healing and Preparation” (170). This source relates to my argument about food and the environment as one step the Salsa women prioritized when actualizing their concept of embodied wellbeing.
- Source Title: Salsa Soul Sisters Update – Mental Health Survey
- Citation: Organization Files, October 1976, Salsa Soul Sisters, 1976-1983, Folder 1, page 7: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source supports my argument because it shows some of their earliest commitments to public health which included mental health services.
- Source Title: 5th and 6th Issues of the Salsa Soul Gay-Zette Newsletter
- Citation: Citation: Organization Files, January-February 1977, Salsa Soul Sisters, 1976-1983, Folder 1, pages 8-12: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: These sources detail the variety of educational programming about health offered to Salsa women: women’s clinics to send members to on Lesbian-only nights, Black lesbian doctors leading educational workshops, and self-vaginal exam demonstrations. They support my argument by displaying the multi-pronged solutions built to heal the effects of white supremacy and environmental racism on Black lesbian bodies.
- Source Title: Thursday Night Discussion
- Citation: Organization Files, November 14, 1985; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 87: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source details their popular self-defense training offered to members. It is important to my argument because it shows how the Salsa women thought broadly about health and wellness by creating programs meant to combat the street violence members experienced on a regular basis.
- Source Title: Salsa Soul Sisters Celebrate Womens’ Herstory Month
- Citation: Organization Files, March 13, 1986; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 96: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This source details a collaboration with outside Lesbian health professionals talking about mental health services and therapy. It is important to my argument because I want to structure this project to talk about the physical and mental dimensions of wellness.
- Source Title: January Agenda
- Citation: Organization Files, January 12 1989; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 159: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: This agenda item brought back a popular program called ‘Heal Thy Self’ where they would discuss holistic practices such as fasting, cleansing, and other non-Western approaches to public health. This supports my argument on the Salsa women deploying various methods to combat their unique environmental oppressions.
- Source Title: March Agenda
- Citation: Organization Files, March 16-23 1989; Salsa Soul Sisters, 1984-1990s, Folder 2, page 160: Lesbian Herstory Archives.
- Summary: These two events held within the same monthly programming discussed “womyn’s health problems” and “Black Wimin’s Health” from a doctor’s perspective and a community health worker’s perspective. This source is important to my argument because its recurrence shows that it was popular amongst members and the differing approaches to health from the organization.
Secondary Sources:
Scholars have examined the relationship between bodies and the environment through layered analyses informed by gender studies, queer studies, and material and post-structural theoretical frameworks. The literature on embodied histories, particularly the works of Christopher Sellers, Kathleen Canning, and Neil Maher, study how bodies are shaped by cultural experiences and material environments. Traditional environmental histories such as Dianne D. Glave and Mark Stoll’s edited collection, Sylvia Hood Washington, and Julie Sze detail how race and class shape one’s environmental exposures. Hood Washington’s work exemplifies the layered analytic approach by building on how these Othered groups exist in opposition to the larger social body politic. Through this Othering, the state justifies discriminatory practices that blight these majority non-white, immigrant communities. The scholarship covers the historical processes in which environmental racism plays out while also highlights the grassroots activism of these groups. Notably, Julie Gallagher’s work on Black women’s political organizing historicizes the community-based activism while Judy Norsigian’s summary of the women’s health movement mentions the exclusion of women of color. Black lesbian activists like Anita Cornell document Black lesbian feminist perspectives on racism, sexism, and sexuality as overlapping matrices. Jen Jack Gieseking’s work covers the spatial experience of lesbian communities in New York City providing a Queer geography in which the Salsa women organized and lived. Together, these works illustrate the myriad of approaches to how scholars assessed embodied knowledge, environmental inequalities, and community organizing as a response to living conditions. The literature reviewed in this project serves as a foundation for understanding how race, gender, and sexuality molds experiences of health among communities whose histories have received minimal attention in mainstream scholarship.
This project builds on the foundation laid by the aforementioned scholars by applying environmental history and theories of embodied knowledge to the programmatic activities of the Salsa Soul Sisters from 1974-1993. Similar to Julie Sze’s Noxious New York, which exp;pres grassroots activism in response to environmental inequality in New York City, this project considers how Black lesbians responded to the conditions shaping their everyday lives. However, rather than focusing on organizing campaigns against specific hazards, I investigate how Salsa’s health workshops, political education, social gathering, and other programs may have addressed the relationship between environmental conditions and Black and Latina lesbian bodies. I draw on Sellers’s and Canning’s approaches to embodied history to analyse how Salsa’s programming reflected their lived experiences of the members while creating alternative forms of knowledge through resistance. While these scholars established genre defining connections between the body, the environment, and community-based activism, their work does not specifically examine how Black and Latina lesbian organizations negotiated these issues through their programmatic arms. This project addresses this gap by examining how, if at all, Salsa women responded to the ways New York City’s toxic environment disciplined Black lesbian bodies. By centering their programmatic endeavors, I hope to expand environmental history beyond conventional environmental justice campaigns revealing overlooked forms of resistance within Black lesbian social organizing.
- Canning, Kathleen. “The Body as Method? Reflections on the Place of the Body in Gender History”, Gender & History, Vol.11 No.3, November 1999, pp. 499–513.
- Kathleen Canning conducts a historiographic review of how historians have treated the human body as an obvious, self-evident object lacking rigorous analysis. The author combines both the material reality of bodies with post-structural imagingings to re-position the body as a historical method and active agent for resistance. Of particular interest for this project is Elizabeth Grosz’s theory of ‘counterstrategic reinscription’ which considers the body as a site of knowledge and resistance. I plan on utilizing this reading as the theoretical lens in which I closely examine the implications of the Salsa’s women’s programming to the larger Black lesbian feminist movement.
- Glave, Dianne D., and Stoll, Mark, eds. To Love the Wind and the Rain: African Americans and Environmental History. University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006.
- To Love the Wind and the Rain: African Americans and Environmental History edited analyses of centuries of Black American environmental history tracing back to the first enslaved Africans’ arrivals on the eastern shores of North America, through the Civil Rights era, and the nascent environmental justice movement of the 1980s. I closely read chapters six through fourteen as they cover the exact chronology of this project on the Salsa women’s health and wellness programs. Particularly, the chapters on religion, multi-racial and identity-based coalitions, and outdoor recreation directly map onto the programmatic activities of the organization.
- Maher, Neil M. “Body Counts: Tracking the Human Body Through Environmental History.” In A Companion to American Environmental History, edited by Douglas Cazaux Sackman, 163–179. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.
- Neil Maher wrote the first historiographic review on how environmental historians wrote about bodies starting in the 1970s until the 2000s. The author categorized the literature into five fields acknowledging their fluidity: bodies as disease, bodies at work, inscribed bodies, cultured bodies and balanced bodies. I plan on using Merchant’s concept of social reproduction, close readings of the body as metaphor, gendered bodies, and dual material and cultural theoretical approaches of the body for this project.
- Washington, Sylvia Hood. Packing Them in : An Archaeology of Environmental Racism in Chicago, 1865-1954. Lexington Books, 2005.
- Sylvia Hood’s book historicizes the impact ethnicity, race, and class impact shape which groups are exposed to pollution and the resultant public health inequalities that incur. This book is particularly helpful in this project because of Hood’s theoretical contributions to the field. The author’s discussions of the “Other” in opposition to the larger social body politic informs my analysis of the Salsa women’s activism.
- Sze, Julie. Noxious New York: The Racial Politics of Urban Health and Environmental Justice. The MIT Press, 2007.
- Noxious New York: The Racial Politics of Urban Health and Environmental Justice details the environmental activism in New York City across four neighborhoods. Julie Sze focuses on non-white, class disadvantaged local movements that advocate for better living conditions as it relates to incinerators, the privatization of garbage disposal, and asthma. This source, particularly chapters one through four, provide examples of grassroots activism of Black women in neighborhoods the Salsa women resided during the 1980s and 1990s.
- Sellers, Christopher. “Thoreau’s Body: Towards an Embodied Environmental History.” Environmental History (CHICAGO) 4, no. 4 (1999): 486–514. https://doi.org/10.2307/3985398.
- Christopher Sellers argues for a treatment of bodies influenced by both scientists and humanists. The author urges the reader, the field, to reconsider the distinctions between “bodily nature” and “bodily culture” (487). Of particular interest to this project is the author’s application of thoreauvian approaches to knowledge as pushing us to embodied histories. Donna Harraway’s discussion of situated knowledge in reference to feminist epistemology. I want to consider how this project could infer the situated knowledge lived by the Salsa women and what that might reveal about how Black lesbians understood health, wellness, and community.
- Norsigian, Judy. “Our Bodies Ourselves and the Women’s Health Movement in the United States: Some Reflections.” American Public Health Association. 2019 Jun; 109(6):844-846. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2019.305059.
- This reading provides an overview of the women’s health movement in the 1960s. The author covers the evolution and the impact of the Our Bodies, Ourselves publication. Of particular importance for my project are the challenges of the movement, especially their exclusion of women of color populations in their activism. The second-wave women’s health movement’s limited analysis of Black women and other women of color, opens the door for the community efforts of Salsa women to educate themselves on health issues impacting the Black lesbian woman.
- Gallagher, Julie A. Black Women and Politics in New York City. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2012.
- Julia A Gallager’s book titled Black Women and Politics in New York City (2012) examines how Black women participated politically in the 20th century. This work is particularly helpful for my work because it focuses on the types of political actions Black lesbians were often also involved in before they came to lesbian identity based organizing (Gallagher, 121-156). I closely read chapters three, four, and five to gain further insight on the 1940s-1970s in which the Salsa women were born and the organization was in its necency.
- Gieseking, Jen Jack. A Queer New York: Geographies of Lesbians, Dykes, and Queers. New York: New York University Press, 2020.
- Jen Jack Gieseking’s A Queer New York: Geographies of Lesbians, Dykes, and Queers (2020) constructs a spatial history of lesbian communities in New York City (Gieseking, 1-25). I plan on using this work to contextualize the spatial and embodied reality within a Lesbian organization in New York City. Additionally, several of the historical actors chosen by Gieseking are Black lesbian women which adds another dimension of embodied behavior analyses.
- Cornwell, Anita. Black Lesbian in White America. Tallahassee: Naiad Press, 1983.
- Anita Cornwell’s Black Lesbian in White America (1983) provides an even more direct Black lesbian perspective. Published during the emergence of Black lesbian feminist organizing, the book addresses the intersections of racism, sexism, and lesbian identity (Cornwell 1983). Cornwell is particularly important for this project because she demonstrates that Black lesbian identity was not simply a category later historians imposed upon Black women. Black lesbians themselves were actively theorizing the relationships between racism, sexism, lesbianism, feminism, and liberation (Cornwell 1983). Her work that historicizes Black lesbians negotiating their identities informs my historiography of Black lesbian New York City from the 1970s through 1990s.
Image Analysis:
Image description: Because of reproduction restrictions, I cannot display the image online. Instead, here is a description of the image: 7 Black lesbian women of Salsa Soul share a meal at a pink-covered picnic table in a leafy park surrounded by trees, chatting and smiling in warm, relaxed sunlight.
The Salsa women organized at least one retreat a year. I estimate that this image is from one of their upstate New York retreats that occurred during the early 1990s. The seven women are sitting around the table deep in conversation which makes me think this is a candid and not a formal, staged photograph. Everyone pictured seems to be Black and/or Afro-Latina in their late 50s-early 70s at the oldest. I would say that these are 2nd generation members a part of Salsa Soul, not the preceding organization African Ancestral Lesbian United for Social Change (AALUSC). I know that because I recognize the back of the head of the woman on the right as Cassandra Grant, who was not a founding member of the organization, but is the gatekeeper of the archival records and organizational history. The foreground focal point is the Salsa women communing together over food in nature which suggests that this is the purpose/point of the image. The image also suggests that the retreats organized by the Salsa women provided the opportunity for them to experience their bodies and their relationships to the natural environment. I argue that these gatherings further blur the neat line between political organizing and sociality.
It was clearly a bright, sunny day. This means that with the exposure on this camera, the darker skinned women’s facial features are harder to make out. The lighter skinned women are easier to read. The coloration of the image suggests to me that this is a candid image not taken by an experienced photographer. Upon further inspection, I can identify additional Salsa women (from top right and wrapping counter clockwise): Cassandra Grant, Sonia (Fatimah) Bailey, Harriet Alston, unknown member, Sharon Lucas (Cassandra’s longtime partner), and two unidentified members.
There are three clear spatial divisions within this image: the Salsa women in the foreground, the trees surrounding them in the midground, the car and retreat housing location in the background. The photographic framing of the women around the table eating are the trees in the midground suggesting that the trees themselves are both the metaphorical and literal frame for this retreat cocooning within nature. The background is minimal and not at all the focus of the image but provides some setting information with a truck and a suggestion of housing/lodging of some kind. The land this area is in suggests a campground since it is a cleared area. The trees are not towering with overgrown bushes. Instead, this is clearly a campground of some kind. None of the members are wearing “outdoors” clothing which might mean that they are doing an outdoor excursion and returning to the retreat area and not camping outside. I do not see where they set up or prepared the food.
The photographer utilizes scale to emphasize the importance of the gathering as opposed to the natural world around them. With the women as the largest, central focus and the trees as merely a setting, I believe that the natural world/environment was merely a tool for them to enact their mission of sisterly love. I would argue that the Salsa women through their retreats experienced the environment, and embodied interactions with the natural world as a place of leisure to escape the drudgery of their deleterious urban context. Nature and the environment transforms from a site of environmental harm or even political struggle, to a site of leisure, pleasure, and collective embodiment. They make themselves at home within nature.
My eyes are drawn to the bright pink color of the picnic table they are eating on. The pink tablecloth seems like a plastic disposable placed over the rough wood of the picnic table. This makes me think about a domestic softening of the roughness of the outdoors. The tablecloth makes me wonder where they picked it up. Salsa had robust planning committees and meetings where they would adjudicate everything from larger conceptual thoughts about how they would like the retreat to feel, to the specific costs and items members needed to bring. I wonder who was in charge of what I am calling “outdoor beautification”. It is easy for me to consider the small act of purchasing a table cloth for the members as an extension of their sisterly love politics and how they care for each other. The bright pink table cloth, food, and general arrangement of the picnic tablescape suggest that the Salsa women were invested in making their retreat welcoming and familiar. These small details display that the “care” aspect was embedded into the practical accommodations of the retreats themselves rather than an abstract political commitment. I’m interested in surfacing this often invisibilized labor attached to organizing as emblematic of Salsa’s broader organizational structure based on love.
I am examining the ways in which Salsa women adapt outdoor spaces to suit their needs, utilizing environmental engagement as a recreational escape to mitigate the toxic effects of the New York City environment on their bodies. My eyes are the cane resting on the table, the seven women eating together, and the food itself. No one is looking at the cane as it rests near the unidentified member on the left closest to the photographer. This makes me think about the access procedures employed by the Salsa members to ensure their nature retreats were physically accessible to their aging membership. Additionally, I can’t help but consider the ‘disabling acts’ that might happen to Black lesbian women living in New York City relating to their environment (cancer, air quality, public health neglect, etc.). From my prior knowledge of the organization and looking at the food, it seems homemade. Many members of Salsa were vegetarians for health and spiritual reasons. I see vegetables on each plate, a slice of pie on the table, and maybe some roasted chicken. The women are drinking something orange in color, I am guessing a fruit juice. I do not see any drinking water within this image. Food and nutrition continually reappear in their weekly meetings as workshop topics. This image displays how they nourished each other, literally and figuratively through balanced vegetarian diets and collectivity.
The retreats created temporary distance from the environmental conditions disciplining their typical everyday life. I do know that on these retreats, they did talk about future “Salsa” business, but I do not see any evidence of planning or organizational materials on the table. Unlike other organizing meetings where the tables are covered with meeting minutes and other documentation, the absence of such does not equate to the Salsa retreats as purely recreational. Salsa’s retreats point to a broader understanding of environmental inequality in the United States. Instead of the typical understanding of environmental activism centered around toxic spills and direct image, this image displays a type of political engagement centered around a sisterhood that creates and sustains the conditions for Black lesbian life to flourish. The early 1990s political landscape provides further context for what necessitated these retreats. The 1992 Republican convention denounced ‘moral decay’ in American life. Bill Clinton’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” compromise cemented anti-gay discrimination, and his attempt at universal healthcare failed during this first term (Locke and Wright 2019). In those years, the American government offered little to nothing for the Black lesbian members of Salsa, which is why they sought out each other for nourishment and care. By focusing on how Salsa women engage in leisure activities through sisterly love, I hope to expand environmental justice activist literature beyond discussions of harm exposure and struggle to include the creative ways people sustain their bodies within unequal environments.

