Introduction

On November 13, 1999 in Salinas Valley, CA, a local farm started their sprinklers, dowsing their crops for the next two hours. Within those two hours, the residents within a mile of the spraying began to smell a foul odor. After a few minutes of smelling this odor, they began to develop irritations of their skin, eyes, and respiratory tract. These health issues raised concerns for local officials, who worried for the health of their people. An evacuation of the area within a mile radius around the farm was put into place, as they found that the winds had carried metam sodium, a toxic chemical found in pesticides. The chemical was carried into the roads and homes of the local people and resulted in the hospitalization of 24 individuals for pesticide poisoning. 1

While the fumes of these pesticides had to be immediately addressed, similar chemicals silently penetrate the air of homes, schools, and workplaces in the Salinas Valley to this day. Known as the “Salad Bowl of America”, the Salinas Valley is home to several acres of farmland that grow leafy greens such as lettuce and kale. However, these greens thrive on the use of pesticides, which are sprayed daily and contain several concerning chemicals. While the pesticide poisoning incident from 1999 was the only one of its kind in the area, the past few decades have been defined by poor respiratory health in conjunction with other health consequences for children in Salinas. In fact, the local residents have been battling for years with the state government to enact stronger regulations to prevent these harmful pesticides from affecting the health of their children. 

However, the regulations passed by the state remain inadequate, as children are still experiencing pesticide-correlated health issues despite the regulations being passed. In addition, the ethnic and financial structure of the community suggests several structural inequalities that are likely causing these disproportionate health effects on low-income, Hispanic children. The following report will analyze to what extent the inadequacy of governmental regulations regarding the spraying of pesticides in Salinas Valley, CA is related to the socioeconomic status of the town’s residents, and more specifically, the town’s children. It will dissect the political activism of the communities involved and question the connection between legislature and these local movements. It will also investigate how systematic structures contribute to silencing the voices of those from minority ethnicities and groups. 

The start of this report will present a background of the demographics and agriculture within the Salinas Valley, followed by a discussion of the harmful health impacts of pesticides on children’s health. Then, it will analyze the community activism of local residents and nonprofit organizations and the effects these protests had on bringing out regulations from the state government. It will also address where these regulations fail and highlight how children are still suffering from these pesticides. Finally, several recommendations of proposed future action will be outlined. 

Background of Salinas Valley, CA

The Salinas Valley, CA is commonly known as the “Salad Bowl of America” due to its production of several major crops, including lettuce, spinach, and broccoli. The city of Salinas itself inhabits over 150,000 residents, a majority of which are migrant farmworker families, who fuel this major agricultural hub. The earliest migrants were Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino workers who began settling into the Salinas Valley around the 1800-1900s. Around the 1930s, the Great Depression prompted the migration of white farmworkers into the area, which raised tensions due to competition between the migrant workers and the white “American” workers, who believed these jobs belonged to them.2 In the following decades, the Bracero Program, brought millions of Mexican migrant workers for seasonal and annual work in the Salinas Valley, as a product of an agreement between Mexico and the United States. However, after the end of the program, the valley was dependent on immigrant labor and there was a rise of undocumented migration within the area. Today, a majority of the workers and families in the city are Hispanic and families of color who depend on farmwork to pay their bills. 3

When considering the composition of the community within Salinas, CA, the residents are largely people of color, especially migrant Latino farmworkers. These workers, along with their families, reside in the town seasonally or year-round and tend to the care of the crops, which involves close work with the pesticides being sprayed. When analyzing the financial status of the town through the EJScreen map, a majority of the residents were found to possess low annual incomes and several reports indicate these families living paycheck to paycheck. In fact, the highest level of educational attainment for a large proportion of the town is a high school diploma or some middle to high school education. 4

When considering the methods used to grow the crops in this area sufficiently, the farmlands within the valley rely heavily on pesticides, with Monterey County, the county of Salinas, CA, consistently being identified as the county with the most pesticide application in the state. In fact, 20% of the pesticides employed in CA contain fumigants, which are toxic, gaseous chemicals, including metam sodium, 1,3-dichloroproprene (1,3-DCP), and methyl bromide. Metam sodium, which was the main irritant found in the pesticide poisoning of 1999,  is known to damage the cells of the respiratory lining in the lungs. Methyl bromide irritates and destroys the cilia within the nasal pathways and esophagus. 1,3-DCP has been associated with tumor growth in the lung and inflammation of the respiratory tracts. Taken together, prolonged exposure to any of these fumigants alone or in conjunction has substantially negative implications for respiratory health.5 

Correlating the large proportion of farmworkers residing in the town with the respiratory health issues faced by the children, it is clear that the pesticide spraying of the farmlands poses a threat to the health of these families. These children are exposed to the chemicals clinging on the bodies of these workers when they come home after spraying fields. They are exposed to the chemicals clinging to the air as the pesticides drift in the air from fields to residential areas. They are exposed to pesticide particles in nearly every area of their town, whether it be schools, playgrounds, or daycare facilities. However, it is no coincidence that these children, who are ethnic minorities suffering from financial vulnerability, are the same children suffering from higher asthma rates and lower IQs compared to other children across the nation.6 Systematic environmental injustice has consistently put these children at risk and their minority position prevents them and their families from possessing enough power to request regulation and protection.

Health Impacts on Children

Children are typically more susceptible to illness than any other part of our population and their weaker immune systems leave them vulnerable to environmental hazards. Living in the city of Salinas, CA puts children at a higher risk of exposure to pesticides, as the city is surrounded on its entire west side by acres of farmlands. Rather than incidental exposure, the children of the Salinas Valley have been breathing in the fumes of these pesticides throughout their development, including the most critical periods of growth for language, intelligence, and overall immunity. Thus, these pesticides have certainly impacted their growth and function. 

Some may question how these pesticides could be so noxious if their spraying is confined to the fields around Salinas, CA and not within. Pesticides have a multifaceted approach to entering into the local residential environment. Like mentioned at the start of this report, pesticides can be airborne. During application of pesticides, small droplets can be transported by the wind to surrounding areas up to several miles away. Another form of secondary drift officers when pesticides evaporate from the plants they are sprayed upon into the air and these vapors can travel even farther. Para-occupational exposure is a term used to describe how the hazards of one’s working conditions can extend to those they live with or meet with. In this case, the farmworkers who spray these pesticides will likely have pesticide residues upon their clothes, shoes, and hair, regardless of whatever safety suits they wear during spraying.7 Thus, their children are exposed to these residues through direct physical contact with their parents or with the surfaces their parents have touched before decontamination in their home. Furthermore, direct environmental contact is possible, as pesticide particles can be carried through the wind and deposit onto soil and accumulate as dust inside and outside of homes. Children playing outside can easily come in contact with such residues in playgrounds at school and daycare.8

These numerous routes of exposure have led several researchers to study the impacts of pesticide exposure on children’s health, including their respiratory and neurological outcomes. One of the most prominent studies has been the CHAMACOS study, which was conducted by UC Berkeley. The study recruited over 600 pregnant women in the 2000s and followed their children’s health at the timepoints of their birth, infancy, childhood, through adulthood. They collected blood/urine samples, cognitive tests, lung function tests, and home dust samples every 1-2 years from these children. The most prominent finding from this study was that the children with the highest exposure to pesticides had major neurodevelopmental differences, with higher prenatal and childhood pesticide exposure being correlated with lower IQ of more than 7 points, especially at age 7. These children were also more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD, autism, and behavioral issues like hyperactivity. The proposed mechanism of these alterations is organophosphate, which is a neurotoxic chemical found in pesticides that are used near Salinas Valley. In terms of respiratory health, reduced lung function was found in a majority of the children studied, with higher rates of respiratory health issues and asthma.  The study’s long-term approach also revealed that prenatal exposure was the most toxic to the children’s health, indicating that children of pregnant women living in the city are most at risk.9 In another study, referred to as the AIRE study performed by Columbia University, a year-long study of pesticide exposure within 400 meters of children’s homes was correlated with asthma and wheezing. They found that children with the highest exposure had more wheezing and higher rates of asthma, even when correcting for other contributing factors like secondhand smoke, insurance, and parental education.10 Overall, the results from multiple studies state the same findings: the exposure to pesticides has been significantly associated with poor respiratory and neurological health in children of the Salinas Valley, CA. 

Beyond these health results, these studies offer deeper insight into the populations being affected by these environmental hazards. The families studied were those with low educational attainment and low household income. They were primarily Mexican and Latina families who were immigrants themselves or descended from recent immigrants. The parents of these children were typically poor English speakers and a majority were fluent in Spanish. Some of the children were also enrolled in afterschool daycare programs, while their parents were still at work. These pieces of information about the background of these children and their families coalesce to suggest that the pesticide exposure has been disproportionately affecting minority groups, including people of color and those with low financial status. 

Community Activism 

Unfortunately, the Salinas Valley is not the only region in California plagued by the health issues caused by pesticide exposure. In fact, incidents like the metam sodium poisoning of November 1999 were not isolated and several emergency evacuations and mass hospitalization events have occurred all throughout the country. The patterns of wheezing, irritations of the skin, and poor childhood development mobilized parents, teachers, and other community members to start connecting these symptoms with the pesticide exposure that their children faced daily. The public dissent led to the formation of several community-based groups whose activism brought about governmental action. 

Californians for Pesticide Reform (CPR) is a well-known organization that was formed in 1996, which connects families to farmworker coalitions, scientists, and environmental justice organizations. Their main concern is raising awareness in communities of the threats these pesticides pose to human health and advocacy for stricter laws. More specifically, they demanded transparency and more research on the exact spread of these pesticides and where the drift was spreading to.11 A few years later, after the metam sodium poisoning occurred in 1999, local residents joined street-wide protests outside of local officials’ offices, demanding that the agricultural companies involved take responsibility for their pesticide use and any unintended consequences the spraying may have. They also wanted higher transparency, through notifications about when spraying would take place and buffer zones around schools and homes. These combined efforts led to administrative complaints towards the California Department of Pesticide Regulation and the County Agricultural Commissioners. The residents, alongside CPR, were explicit about the disappearance effect of pesticides, highlighting that the Latino community was severely affected much more than any other population.12 Though singular complaints aren’t well documented, the series of complaints built pressure on local authorities to research the pesticides, their chemicals, and their methods of exposure further. These protests carried on well into the 2014-2017, when the CPR began a “Protect Kids from Pesticides” campaign, where students, teachers, and parents would work together to protest outside of schools and on local roads. School boards were pressured to speak up about the issue and raise concerns to the government, with the Monterey School District passing resolutions in 2016 regarding support for activism against pesticides.13 

EarthJustice is a group of lawyers supporting several different environmental injustice issues across the country. Their help was salient across the state of California, as they raised a lawsuit alongside several farmworker coalitions, such as the United Farm Workers and PANNA in 2007. The lawsuit was against the Environmental Protection Agency, citing examples of how it failed to protect the children in Salinas and across the state of California from harm to their respiratory and neurological health. Their main findings cited were from the CHAMACOS study, which was focused in Salinas, as mentioned earlier. The specific chemical they were fighting against was chlorpyrifos, which is well studied and known for its neurotoxicity and irritant capacities in the respiratory tract. They won the lawsuit against the EPA, bringing about several important legislations to reduce pesticide use and ban chlorpyrifos in 2020.14

The work of local residents, EarthJustice, and CPR all demonstrate that the government was reactive to the plethora of health issues that pesticides caused, rather than protective. It took several decades of protests, complaints, and legal petitions for true change to be brought about, as the government failed to respond until the issue was escalated through these legal channels. Their delay in response and their lack of consideration for the people’s health prior to the poisoning events indicates a clear disregard for the health of these people. As a majority of the families affected were migrant residents of color, some undocumented as well, it can be reasoned that their inability to access legal channels easily is what led to decades-long exposure to pesticides with no protection from the government. Without help from organizations like Earthjustice, it is difficult to say whether the government would have brought about the restrictions and laws against pesticide that are now set in place today, which highlights how the legal system grants such little power to residents of color and low financial and educational status. 

Governmental Regulation & Inadequacy 

Following the activism of the community, several legislations were passed by the local and state government to protect the children and families in both the city of Salinas and the state overall from the harms of pesticide exposure. In 2017, the California Department of Pesticide Regulation passed regulations regarding buffer zones around schools and daycare centers. These buffer zones were about a quarter mile away from these hubs for children, with notifications being sent by growers to schools prior to any pesticide application. In this way, recess and outdoor school activities can be moved indoors as necessary. Furthermore, the spraying was limited during school hours from 6AM-6PM on weekdays.15 Unfortunately, this regulation falls short in fully protecting children, as homeschooled students, at-home outdoor activities, and playgrounds were not considered in the list of buffer zone regions. In addition, drift is unpredictable; it doesn’t restrict itself to ¼ of a mile away from schools, and many research studies have documented much larger zones of drift from their spraying site. The restriction of spraying during school hours is also inadequate in that students are often in after-school daycare programs or sports practice that extend into late hours of the day. As a result, these regulations appear to be a compromise rather than fully shielding the children from pesticide exposure overall.16 

Another law that was passed was the Pesticide Drift Exposure Act of 2005, which helped to improve the transparency of agricultural farming practices. This state-wide legislation proposed improved tracking of pesticide composition, the exposure of people to these types of pesticides, and where drift was extending to. It helped to log any significant cases of pesticide exposure and collect data for future regulations that may be necessary regarding pesticide restriction. A similar practice enforced around the same year by the Department of Pesticide Regulation is the Pesticide Use Reporting system, which required all agricultural companies and farmers to report the types of pesticides they were using, along with time, date, and location of their use.17 In conjunction, these regulations provide much more detail about the pesticides used and the data that the state and local communities have on the exact time and location of spraying. However, information is not protection. While gathering data about the incidents is crucial to formulate responses, the government has yet to use the information in such a manner. Such passive collection of data is not sufficient to protect children from these harms. Furthermore, even if families wanted to use this data to help protect their children, the database is complex and difficult for regular residents to comprehend, not to mention that a majority of these residents have less than high school education. Thus, the lack of regard for the type of population present within the communities of Salinas, CA indicates a clear systematic injustice issue.18

Finally, there have been several updates to the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act and labor laws within the state to improve the protection of farmworkers who spray the pesticides onto the many acres of fields in California. These laws are commendable for their improved training provided on pesticide handling and proper safety measures for these farmworkers. The required protective gear has also been upgraded with several restrictions on when farmworkers can return to fields after spraying without their gear to proceed with other farm duties. Nevertheless, this law is not comprehensive. While it reduces the health risks posed upon farmworkers, it doesn’t eliminate the para-occupational hazards that the children of farmworkers experience when the pesticides residue follow them from the farm to their homes.19 

In all of these legislations, there is very little attention granted to the alternative mechanisms of pesticide transmission, like take-home exposure and soil/dust residues settling over towns. The same research studies that link pesticide drift to poor health outcomes for children cite risks of pesticide settlement in soil, dust, and other platforms upon which children play and interact. In fact, the CHAMACOS study is a clear example of how the smallest exposure prenatally and during childhood can have substantial impacts on neurodevelopment. In fact, the “low-level exposure” that legislation deems acceptable during and outside of school hours, can actually be incredibly powerful in attacking the immunity of children, whose bodies can barely handle these low concentrations of air-borne pesticides. The sustained pattern of such ignorance by governmental regulators indicates that the system has created a structural inequality in which communities, with low-income families of color who lack political power, are consistently unprotected, despite clear evidence of harm to human health.20 

Future Action

The insufficiency of legislation highlights a clear call to action for local, state, and federal governmental bodies to prevent similar cases of environmental injustice and racism in the future. The most ideal course of action would be elimination of hazardous chemicals from pesticides. Agricultural companies and farmers find the use of these pesticides lucrative due to their significant harvests. Thus, funding should go towards research on natural pesticides and synthetic compounds with no harmful effects on human health, despite spread through drift. Banning these chemical pesticides and promoting the use of natural substances would reduce the overall health impact on children and their families. 

Regardless, research is a lengthy process and we are likely far from the ban of these chemicals from these farms. Thus, it is salient to provide improved protection for children and pregnant women from these chemicals. The data collected about pesticide drift from existing databases should be utilized to adjust buffer zones to match the real drift length of these pesticides, with different zone lengths based on the type of pesticide, as their drift mechanics often vary. Likewise, the other mechanisms of pesticide drift should be addressed. In particular, farmworkers should be provided with decontamination procedures that are developed by scientists to avoid bringing home pesticide residues to their children. These procedures should come at no additional cost or time for these workers, whose wages are already minimal. Moreover, the timing of these pesticides should be communicated with families in a digestible manner, whether that be notifications in Spanish or visual notifications for those who have little-to-no literacy. 

Discussing the systematic environmental injustice issues raised in this report, it is evident that people of color who have low educational attainment and/or low financial status should not be restricted by these factors in terms of their political contributions. More specifically, these communities should be empowered to speak up against the issues that they face daily, whether it be with pesticides or work conditions. Furthermore, one of the main issues in Salinas regarding pesticide activism was that it took decades for any real legislation to be passed regarding pesticide exposure for children. Therefore, local town hall meetings should be held, in multiple languages as necessary, with real communication between local officials and state authorities. Without such reporting of the issues raised, the discussions of the meetings have no real legislative implications and the people lack political power. By having these discussions in person, educational and technological barriers to understanding can be removed for these families.21 

Conclusion

The drift of metam sodium onto the local residents of Salinas resulted in several hospitalizations of children, farmworkers, and families in November of 1999. The incident was salient in calling attention to the risks faced by families living near agricultural zones within California. It sparked protests that eventually led to local regulations being passed. Yet, for decades, children have been experiencing developmental harms to their intelligence, focus, and learning as a result of the very same pesticides. These harms were well documented in several research studies, but no legislature was passed until residents expressed dissent and protested for years on end. Thus, it is clear that government regulators often only pay heed to the suffering of minority residents when there are large numbers to project and extensive media coverage. Clearly, the system must change to value the opinions and health of our people, even when issues may seem small at first glance. 

The children of Salinas Valley, CA experienced decades of disproportionate effects of pesticide exposure as a result of poor regulation. The CHAMACOS study and AIRE study are two of many examples of documented research that highlights the detrimental effects of these chemicals on human health overall, with direct evidence linking pesticides to these health consequences. These studies, along with incidents of poisoning, prompted residents to join forces with organizations like EarthJustice and Californians for Pesticide Reform in hopes of protecting their children from these chemicals. Their message was clear: children should not have to be exposed to noxious chemicals while attending school. Their consistent efforts built up to the passing of several legislations, including the banning of certain chemicals, new notification systems, and research databases for pesticide tracking. However, these laws and regulations fall short, as they do not encapsulate the entire risk of pesticide exposure mechanisms and fail to adequately control the exposure rather than simply notify families and schools about it. 

The events regarding pesticide exposure in Salinas Valley, CA in the 2000s teach us that we need to provide voices to communities, especially those that are formed by migrant workers who lack political power. These individuals face harsh working conditions and unfair racism that needs to be addressed by the government to bring about real change in the quality of their lives, so their voices need to be the most amplified. Lack of education and financial resources should not bring upon environmental injustice. In the future, we must as a society work to communicate our needs to local and state authorities in a manner in which they may be valued. Similarly, governmental bodies should strive to value the needs of their people and form task forces for these needs immediately, being preventative rather than remediative. 

Endnotes

1. (“H 3 c N c S EVALUATION of METHYL ISOTHIOCYANATE as a TOXIC AIR CONTAMINANT” 2002)
2. Mckibben, Carol. 2022. “The Story of Salinas: A Tale of Two Labor Movements.” Monterey Herald. November 11, 2022. https://www.montereyherald.com/2022/11/11/the-story-of-salinas-a-tale-of-two-labor-movements/.
3. Adam Benjamin et al., eds., The American Yawp (Stanford University Press, 2023), https://www.americanyawp.com/. 
4. “EJScreen.” 2020. Azurewebsites.net. 2020. https://pedp-ejscreen.azurewebsites.net.
5. Gunier, Robert B., Rachel Raanan, Rosemary Castorina, Nina T. Holland, Kim G. Harley, John R. Balmes, Laura Fouquette, Brenda Eskenazi, and Asa Bradman. 2018. “Residential Proximity to Agricultural Fumigant Use and Respiratory Health in 7-Year Old Children.” Environmental Research 164 (July): 93–99. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envres.2018.02.022.
6. Gunier, R B, M E Harnly, P Reynolds, A Hertz, and J Von Behren. 2001. “Agricultural Pesticide Use in California: Pesticide Prioritization, Use Densities, and Population Distributions for a Childhood Cancer Study.” Environmental Health Perspectives 109 (10): 1071–78. https://doi.org/10.1289/ehp.011091071.
7. “Widely Used Pesticide in Food Production Damages Children’s Brains EPA Science on Chlorpyrifos Ignored as Agency Reverses Decision to Stop Insecticide’s Agricultural Use.” n.d. Accessed May 9, 2026. https://www.beyondpesticides.org/assets/media/documents/bp-37.4-w17-Chlorpyrifos-cited.pdf.
8. Shekhar, Chander , Reetu Khosya, Kushal Thakur, Danish Mahajan, Rakesh Kumar, Sunil Kumar, and Amit Kumar Sharma. 2024. “A Systematic Review of Pesticide Exposure, Associated Risks, and Long-Term Human Health Impacts.” Toxicology Reports 13 (November): 101840–40. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.toxrep.2024.101840.
9. Stein, Lauren. 2016. “Early Childhood Adversity Potentiates the Adverse Association between Prenatal Organophosphate Pesticide Exposure and Child IQ: The CHAMACOS Cohort.” NeuroToxicology 56 (September): 180–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuro.2016.07.010.
10. Horne, Van, Jill E Johnston, Dayane Duenas Barahona, Mitiasoa Razafy, Elizabeth M Kamai, Brandyn C Ruiz, Sandrah P Eckel, Esther Bejarano, Luis Olmedo, and Shohreh F Farzan. 2024. “Exposure to Agricultural Pesticides and Wheezing among 5–12-Year-Old Children in the Imperial Valley, CA, USA.” Environmental Epidemiology 8 (5): e325–25. https://doi.org/10.1097/ee9.0000000000000325.
11. “Californians for Pesticide Reform.” n.d. CPR. https://www.pesticidereform.org.
12. Crossfield, Paula. 2014. “FERN Report Examines Long-Term Study on Pesticides’ Impact on Children of Farmworkers | Food and Environment Reporting Network.” Food and Environment Reporting Network. March 13, 2014. https://thefern.org/blog_posts/fern-report-examines-long-term-study-on-pesticides-impact-on-children-of-farmworkers/.
13. “Greenfield School Board Supports Ag Pesticide Safety – Salinas Valley Tribune | Gonzales, Soledad, Greenfield CA.” 2018. Salinas Valley Tribune | Gonzales, Soledad, Greenfield CA. March 14, 2018. https://salinasvalleytribune.com/greenfield-school-board-supports-ag-pesticide-safety/.
14. Fisher, Elizabeth. n.d. “Counsel for Petitioners and Plaintiffs in the SUPERIOR COURT for the STATE of CALIFORNIA for the COUNTY of MONTEREY.” https://earthjustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/final-verified-petition-and-complaint-w-exhibits.pdf.
15. “Pesticide Use near Schools.” 2018. County of San Mateo, CA. 2018. https://www.smcgov.org/agwm/pesticide-use-near-schools.
16. Gunier, Robert B., Asa Bradman, Kim G. Harley, and Brenda Eskenazi. 2017. “Will Buffer Zones around Schools in Agricultural Areas Be Adequate to Protect Children from the Potential Adverse Effects of Pesticide Exposure?” Edited by Linda S. Birnbaum. PLOS Biology 15 (12): e2004741. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.2004741.
17. “Pesticide Applications near Schools and Child Care Facilities.” 2026. Department of Pesticide Regulation. March 25, 2026. https://www.cdpr.ca.gov/enforcement/pesticide-applications-near-schools-and-child-care-facilities/.
18. “EPA Announces New, Earlier Protections for People from Pesticide Spray Drift | US EPA.” 2024. US EPA. July 15, 2024. https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/epa-announces-new-earlier-protections-people-pesticide-spray-drift.
19. EPA. 2019. “Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act (FIFRA) and Federal Facilities | US EPA.” US EPA. June 12, 2019. https://www.epa.gov/enforcement/federal-insecticide-fungicide-and-rodenticide-act-fifra-and-federal-facilities.
20. Guth, Anna FitzGerald. 2025. “Calif.’S ‘Salad Bowl’ Putting Locals at Risk with Pesticide Exposure.” SFGATE. October 14, 2025. https://www.sfgate.com/science/article/pesticides-monterey-california-21094899.php.
21. On. 2023. “On the Frontlines of Pesticide Exposure.” Palabra. February 7, 2023. https://www.palabranahj.org/archive/on-the-frontlines-of-pesticide-exposure.

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